متن کامل نگلیسی ساینو-ایرانیکا اثر جاوید برتولت لوفر

d there, and that, when it was intire, it was between five and
six feet long, and seven inches in circumference at the root, where it was thickest.
The piece which I saw (for the horn was broken, and sold by pieces in several places)
was something more than half a span long, and little less than five inches thick;
the color of it was white, inclining to yellow, like that of Ivory when it is old; it was
hollow and smooth within, but wreath'd on the outside. The Captain saw not the
Animal, nor knew whether it were of the land or the sea, for, according to the place
where he found it, it might be as well one as the other; but he believed for certain,
that it was of a Unicorn, both because the experience of its being good against poyson
argu'd so much, and for that the signes attributed by Authors to the Unicorn's
horn agreed also to this, as he conceiv'd. But herein I dissent from him, inasmuch as,
if I remember aright, the horn of the Unicorn, whom the Greeks call'd Monoceros,
is, by Pliny, describ'd black, and not white. The Captain added that it was a report,
that Unicorns are found in certain Northern parts of America, not far from that
Country of Greenland; and so not unlikely but that there might be some also in
Greenland, a neighbouring Country, and not yet known whether it be Continent
or Island; and that they might sometimes come thither from the contiguous lands
of America, in case it be no Island. . . . The Company of the Greenland Merchants
of England had the horn, which he found, because Captains of ships are their stipen-
diaries, and, besides their salary, must make no other profit of their Voyages; but
whatever they gain or find, in case it be known, and they conceal it not, all accrues



568 SlNO-lRANICA

The term pi-si has been the subject of brief discussions on the part
of PzLLiox 1 and myself. 2 The Ko ku yao lun, as far as is known at
. present, appears to be the earliest work in which the expression occurs.
Hitherto it had only been known as a modern colloquialism, and Pelliot
urged tracing it in the texts. I am now in a position to comply with
this demand. T'an Ts'ui W. 3, in his Tien hai yu ken Zi? published in
1799, gives an excellent account of Yun-nan Province, its mineral re-
sources, fauna, flora, and aboriginal population, and states that pi-kia-si
^ It 3 or pi-kia-pi H f{ *it or pi-si H $fe are all of the class of precious
stones which are produced in the Mon-mi t'u-se ffi $? i ^ of Yun-
nan. 4 It is obvious that these words are merely transcriptions of a
non-Chinese term; and, if we were positive that it took its starting-
point from Yun-nan, it would not be unreasonable to infer that it hails
from one of the native T'ai or Shan languages. T'an Ts'ui adds that
the best pi-si are deep red in color; that those in which purple, yellow,
and green are combined, and the white ones, take the second place;
while those half white and half black are of the third grade. We are
accordingly confronted with a certain class of precious stones which
remain to be determined mineralogically.

32. The Persian name for China is Cm, Cmistan, or Cinastan.
In Middle Persian we meet Saini in the Farvardin Yast and Sini in the
Bundahisn, 5 besides Cen and Cenastan. 6 The form with initial palatal
is confirmed, on the one hand, by Armenian Cen-k', Cenastan, Cen-
bakur ("emperor of China"), cenazneay (" originating from China"),
cenik (" Chinese"), and, on the other hand, by Sogdian Cynstn (Clna-

to the Company that employes them. When the Horn was intire it was sent to
Constantinople to be sold, where two thousand pounds sterling was offer'd for it:
But the English Company, hoping to get a greater rate, sold it not at Constantinople,
but sent it into Muscovy, where much about the same price was bidden for it, which,
being refus'd, it was carry'd back into Turkey, and fell of its value, a much less sum
being now proffer'd than before. Hereupon the Company conceiv'd that it would
sell more easily in pieces then intire, because few could be found who would purchase
it at so great a rate. Accordingly they broke it, and it was sold by pieces in sundry
places; yet, for all this, the whole proceed amounted onely to about twelve hundred
pounds sterling. And of these pieces they gave one to the Captain who found it,
and this was it which he shew'd me."

1 Toung Pao, 1913, p. 365.

2 Ibid., 1916, p. 375.

3 Ch. I, p. 6 (ed. of Wen yin lou yu ti ts'un $u). Title and treatment of the
subject are in imitation of the Kwei hai yii hen ci of Fan C'en-ta of the twelfth century.

4 T'u-se are districts under the jurisdiction of a native chieftain, who himself
is more or less subject to the authority of the Chinese.

5 Cf. J. J. MODI, References to China in the Ancient Books of the Parsees,
reprinted in his Asiatic Papers, pp. 241 et seq.

6 HUBSCHMANN, Armen. Gram., p. 49.



IRANO-SINICA THE NAME CHINA 569

stan). 1 The parallelism of initial c and 5 corresponds exactly to the
Greek doublet Sfrai and Qlvon ( = Cmai), and the Iranian forms
with c meet their counterpart in Sanskrit Cina (Cina). This state of
affairs renders probable the supposition that the Indian, Iranian, and
Greek designations for China have issued from a common source, and
that chis prototype may be sought for in China itself. I am now inclined
to think that there is some degree of probability in the old theory that
the name "China" should be traceable to that of the dynasty Ts'in.
I formerly rejected this theory, simply for the reason that no one had
as yet presented a convincing demonstration of the case; 2 nor did I
become converted by the demonstration in favor of Ts'in then attempted
by PELLiOT. 3 Pelliot has cited several examples from which it appears
that even under the Han the Chinese were still designated as "men of
the Ts'in" in Central Asia. This fact in itself is interesting, but does
not go to prove that the foreign names Cina, Cen, etc., are based on
the name Ts'in. It must be shown phonetically that such a derivation
is possible, and this is what Pelliot failed to demonstrate: he does
not even dwell for a moment on the question of the ancient pronuncia-
tion of the character ts*in ^. If in ancient times it should have had the
same articulation as at present, the alleged phonetic coincidence with
the foreign designations would amount to nothing. The ancient pho-
netic value of 31 was *din, *dzin, *dzin (jin), *dz'in, with initial dental
or palatal sonant; 4 and it is possible, and in harmony with phonetic

1 R. GAUTHIOT, T'oung Pao, 1913, p. 428.
- T'oung Pao, 1912, pp. 719-726.

3 Ibid., pp. 727-742. The mention of the name Cina in the Arthagastra of
Canakya or Kautilya, and Jacobi's opinion on the question, did not at all prompt me
to my view, as represented by Pelliot. I had held this view for at least ten years
previously, and Jacobi's article simply offered the occasion which led me to express
my view. Pelliot 's commotion over the date of the Sanskrit work was superfluous.
I shall point only to the judgment of V. A. SMITH (Early History of India, 3d ed.,
1914, p. 153), who says that "the Arthacastra is a genuine ancient work of Maurya
age, and presumably attributed rightly to Canakya or Kautilya; this verdict, of
course, does not exclude the possibility, or probability, that the existing text may
contain minor interpolations of later date, but the bulk of the book certainly dates
from the Maurya period," and to the statement of A. B. KEITH (Journal Roy.
As. Soc., 1916, p. 137), "It is perfectly possible that the Arthacastra is an early
work, and that it may be assigned to the first century B.C., while its matter very
prol;,bly is older by a good deal than that." The doubts as to the Ts'in etymology
of the name "China" came from many quarters. Thus J. J. MODI (Asiatic Papers,
p. 247), on the supposition that the Farvardin Yast may have been written prior
to the fourth or fifth century B.C., argued, "If so, the fact that the name of China
as Saini occurs in this old document, throws a doubt on the belief that it was the
Ts'in dynasty of the third century B.C. that gave its name to China. It appears,
therefore, that the name was older than the third century B.C."

4 In the dialect of Shanghai it is still pronounced dzin.



570 SlNO-lRANICA

laws, that a Chinese initial d% was reproduced in Iranian by the palatal
surd . It is this phonetic agreement on the one hand, and the coin-
cidence of the Sanskrit, Iranian, and Greek names for China on the other,
which induce me to admit the Ts'in etymology as a possible theory; that
the derivation has really been thus, no one can assert positively. The
presence of the designation Ts'in for Chinese during the Han is an histor-
ical accessory, but it does not form a fundamental link in the evidence.

33. The preceding notes should be considered only as an outline
of a series of studies which should be further developed' by the co-
operation of Persian scholars and Arabists familiar with the Arabic
sources on the history and geography of Iran. A comprehensive study
of all Persian sources relating to China would also be very welcome.
Another interesting task to be pursued in this connection would be
an attempt to trace the development of the idealized portrait which
the Persian and Arabic poets have sketched of the Chinese. It is known
that in the Oriental versions of the Alexander Romance the Chinese
make their appearance as one of the numerous nations visited by
Alexander the Great (Iskandar). In Firdausl's (935-1025) version he
travels to China as his own ambassador, and is honorably received by
the Fagfur (Son of Heaven), to whom he delivers a letter confirming
his possessions and dignities, provided he will acknowledge Iskandar as
his lord and pay tribute of all fruits of his country; to this the Fagfur
consents. In Nizamfs (1141-1203) Iskandarndme ("Book of Alex-
ander"), Iskandar betakes himself from India by way of Tibet to China,
where a contest between the Greek and Chinese painters takes place,
the former ultimately carrying the day. 1 In the Ethiopic version of
the Alexander story, "the king of China commanded that they should
spread out costly stuffs upon a couch, and the couch was made of gold
ornamented with jewels and inlaid with a design in gold; and he sat in
his hall, and his princes and nobles were round about him, and when
he spake they made answer unto him and spake submissively. Then he
commanded the captain to bring in Alexander the ambassador. Now
when I Alexander had come in with the captain, he made me to stand
before the King, and the men stood up dressed in raiment of gold and
silver; and I stood there a long time and none spake unto me." 2 The
Kowtow (k'o-t'ou) question was evidently not raised. It is still more
amusing to read farther on that the king of China made the ambassador
sit by his side upon the couch, an impossible situation. The Fagfur
sent to Alexander garments of finely woven stuff, one hundred pounds

1 Cf. P. SPIEGEL, Die Alexandersage bei den Orientalen, pp. 31, 46.

2 E. A. W. BUDGE, Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great, p. 173.



IRANO-SINICA THE CHINESE IN THE ALEXANDER ROMANCE 571

in weight, two hundred tents, men-servants and maid-servants, two
hundred shields of elephant-hide, as many Indian swords mounted in
gold and ornamented with gold and precious stones of great value,
as many horses suitable for kings, and one thousand loads of the finest
gold and silver, for in this country are situated the mountains where-
from they dig gold. The wall of that city is built of gold ore, and like-
wise the habitations of the people; and from this place Solomon, the
son of David, brought the gold with which he built the sanctuary, and
he made the vessels and the shields of the gold of the land of China. 1
In the history of Alexander the Great contained in the "Universal His-
tory" of al-Makin, who died at Damascus in 127374, a distinction is
made between the kings of Nearer China and Farther China. 2

The most naive version of Alexander's adventures in China is con-
tained in the legendary "History of the Kings of Persia," written in
Arabic by al-Ta'alibi (96i-io38). 3 Here, the king of China is taken
aback, and loses his sleep when Alexander with his army enters China.
Under cover of night he visits Alexander, offering his submission in order
to prevent bloodshed. Alexander first demands the revenue of his
kingdom for five years, but gradually condescends to accept one third
for one year. The following day a huge force of Chinese troops surrounds
the army of Alexander, who believes his end has come, when the king
of China appears, descending from his horse and kissing the soil (!).
Alexander charges him with perfidy, which the king of China denies.
"What, then, does this army mean? " "I wanted to show thee," the
king of China replied, "that I did not submit from weakness or owing
to the small number of my forces. I had observed that the superior
world favored thee and allowed thee to triumph over more powerful
kings than thou. Whoever combats the superior world will be van-
quished. For this reason I wanted to submit to the superior world
by submitting to thee, and humbly to obey it by obeying thee and
complying with thy orders." Alexander rejoined, "No demand should
be made of a man like thee. I never met any one more qualified as a
sage. Now I abandon all my claims upon thee and depart." The king
of China responded, "Thou wilt lose nothing by this arrangement."
He then despatched rich presents to him, like a thousand pieces of silk,
painted silk, brocade, silver, sable-skins, etc., and pledged himself to
pay an annual tribute. Although the whole story, of course, is pure
invention, Chinese methods of overcoming an enemy by superior
diplomacy are not badly characterized.

1 Ibid., p. 179.

2 Ibid., pp. 369, 394.

8 H. ZOTENBERG, Histoire des rois des Perses, pp. 436-440.



APPENDIX I
IRANIAN ELEMENTS IN MONGOL

On the preceding pages, as well as in my "Loan-Words in Tibetan,"
I had occasion to point out a number of Mongol words traceable to
Iranian; and, as this subject has evoked some interest since the dis-
coveries made in Turkistan, I deem it useful to treat it here in a coherent
notice and to sum up our present knowledge of the matter.

1. Certain relations of the Mongol language to Iranian were known
about a century ago to I. J. SCHMIDT/ the real founder of Mongol phil-
ology. It was Schmidt who, as far back as 1824, first recognized in the
Mongol name Xormusda (Khormusda) the Iranian Ormuzd or Ahura-
mazdah of the Avesta. Even Schmidt's adversary, J. KLAPROTH, was
obliged to admit that this theory was justified. 2 Re'musat's objections
were refuted by SCHMIDT himself. 3 At present we know that the name
in question was propagated over Central Asia by the Sogdians in the
forms Xurmazta (Wurmazt) and Oharmizd. 4 What we are still ignorant
of is how the transformation of the supreme Iranian god into the
supreme Indian god was effected; for in the Buddhist literature of the
Mongols the name Xormusda strictly refers to the god Indra. Also
in the polyglot Buddhist dictionaries the corresponding terms of
Chinese, Tibetan, etc., relate to Indra.

2. Esroa, Esrua, or Esrun, is in the Buddhist literature of the
Mongols the designation of the Indian god Brahma. The Iranian
origin of this word has been advocated by A. ScniEFNER. 6 Although
taken for a corruption of Sanskrit iguara ("lord"), it seems, according
to Schiefner, to be in closer relation to Avestan $raosha (sraofa) or
qravanh. Certain it is that the Mongol word is derived from the Uigur

1 Forschungen im Gebiete der Bildungsgeschichte der Volker Mittel-Asiens,
p. 148.

2 "Cette hypothec me"rite d'etre soigneusement examinee et nous invitons
M. Schmidt a recueillir d'autres faits propres a lui donner plus de certitude" (Nou-
veau Journal asiatigue, Vol. VII, 1831, p. 180).

3 Geschichte der Ost-Mongolen, p. 353.

4 F. W. K. MILLER, Die "persischen" Kalenderausdrucke, pp. 6, 7; Hand-
schriftenreste, II, pp. 20, 94.

6 In his introduction to W. RADLOFF'S Proben der Volkslitteratur der turki-
schen Stamme, Vol. II, p. xi. Schiefner derives also Kurbustu of the Soyon from
Ormuzd.

572



IRANIAN ELEMENTS IN MONGOL 573

Azrua, which in the Manichean texts of the Uigur appears as the name
of an Iranian deity. C. SALEMANN 1 has promised a discussion of this
word, but I have not yet seen this article. Meanwhile GAUTHiOT 2 has
solved this problem on the basis of the Sogdian form 'zrw' ( = azrwa),
which appears as the equivalent of Brahma in the Sogdian Buddhist
texts. The Sogdian word, according to him, is the equivalent of
Avestan zrvan.

3. Mongol suburgan, tope, Stupa, is derived from Uigur supurgan.
The latter may be of Iranian origin, and, as suggested by GAUTHiox, 3
go back to spur-ocan ("house of perfection").

4. Mongol titim, diadem, crown (corresponding in meaning to and
rendering Sanskrit mukutd). This word is traceable to Sogdian 8i5im.*
The prototype is Greek 5tdSr?jua (whence our "diadem"), which has
been preserved in Iran since Macedonian times. 5 In New Persian it is
dakim or dehlm, developed from an older *deSem. Mongol titim,
accordingly, cannot be derived from New Persian, but represents an
older form of Iranian speech, which is justly correlated with the Sogdian
form.

5. Mongol Simnus, a class of demons (in Buddhist texts, translation
of Sanskrit Mara, "the Evil One"), is doubtless derived from Uigur
$mnu, the latter from Sogdian Smnu? Cf. also Altaic and Teleutic
lulumys ("evil spirit").

6. In view of the Sogdian loan-words in Mongol, it is not impossible
that, as suggested by F. W. K. MULLER/ the termination -ntsa (-nZd)
in Sibagantsa, cibagantsa, or Simnantsa ("bhiksunl, nun;" Manchu
cibahanci) should be traceable to the Sogdian feminine suffix -nl (pre-
sumably from inc, "woman"). The same ending occurs in Uigur
upasanc (Sanskrit upasikd, "Buddhist lay- woman") and Mongol
ubasantsa. R. GAUTHIOT 8 is certainly right in observing that it is im-

1 Bull, de I'Acad. de St.-Pet., 1909, p. 1218.

2 In CHAVANNES and PELLIOT, Trait< maniche'en, p. 47.

3 Ibid., p. 132.

4 MULLER, Uigurica, p. 47.

5 NOLDEKE, Persische Studien, II, p. 35; cf. also HUBSCHMANN, Persische
Studien, p. 199.

6 P. W. K. MULLER, Uigurica, p. 58; Soghdische Texte, I, pp. u, 27. In Sog-
dian Christian literature, the word serves for the rendering of "Satan." According
to MULLER (SPAW, 1909, p. 847), also Mongol nisan ("seal") and badman (not
explained) should be Middle Persian, and have found their way into Mongol through
the medium of the Uigur.

7 Uigurica, p. 47.

8 Essai sur le vocalisme du sogdien, p. 112.



574 SlNO-lRANlCA

possible to prove this interdependence; yet it is probable to a high
degree and seems altogether plausible.

7. Textiles made from cotton are designated in Mongol bus (Kalmuk
bos), in Jurci Queen or Niuci) busu, in Manchu boso. This series, first
of all, is traceable to Uigur boz. 1 The entire group is manifestly con-
nected, as already recognized by ScHOTT, 2 with Greek pvcrvos (byssos),
which itself goes back to Semitic (Hebrew bus, Assyrian busu). But
how the Semitic word advanced to Central Asia is still obscure; its
presence in Uigur might point to Iranian mediation, but it has not yet
been traced in any Iranian language. Perhaps it was transmitted to
the Uigur directly by Nestorian missionaries. The case would then be
analogous to Mongol nom (Manchu nomun), from Uigur nom, num
("a sacred book, law")j which AsEL-RfeMUSAT 3 traced through Semitic
to Greek v6nos.

Cotton itself is styled in Mongol kuben or kubiln, in Manchu kubun.
SCHOTT (I.e.) was inclined to derive this word from Chinese ku-pei, but
this is impossible in view of the labial surd. Nevertheless it may be
that the Mongol term is connected with a vernacular form based on
Sanskrit karpdsa, to which also Chinese ku-pei is indirectly traceable
(above, p. 491). This form must be sought for in Iranian; true it
is, in Persian we have kirpds (correspondingly in Armenian kerpas)
and in Arabic kirbds. In Vaxi, a Pamir dialect, however, we
find kubas* which, save the final s, agrees with the Mongol form.
The final nasals in the Mongol and Manchu words remain to be
explained.

8. Mongol anar, pomegranate, is doubtless derived from Persian
andr (above, p. 285). In the Chinese-Uigur Dictionary we meet the
form nara? In this case, accordingly, Uigur cannot be held responsible
as the mediator between Persian and Mongol. In all probability, the
fruit was directly transmitted by Iranians to the Mongols, who thus
adopted also the name for it.

9. Mongol turma, radish, is derived from Persian turma (also turub,
turb, turf). 6

1 F. W. K. MULLER, Uigurica, II, p. 70.

2 Altaisches Sprachengeschlecht, p. 5; and Abh. Berl. Akad. t 1867, p. 138.

3 Recherches stir les langues tartares, p. 137.

4 HJULER, The Pamir Languages, p. 38.

5 KLAPROTH, Sprache und Schrift der Uiguren, p. 14; and RADLOFF, Turk.
W6rt., Vol. Ill, col. 648.

6 Cf. T'oung Pao, 1916, p. 84. The derivation from Persian escaped MUNKACSI
and GOMBOCZ (Mem. Soc. finno-ougrienne, Vol. XXX, p. 131), who erroneously
seek the foundation of the word in Turkish.



IRANIAN ELEMENTS IN MONGOL 575

10. Mongol xasinij asafoetida, from Persian kasni ("product of
hazni"). Cf. above, p. 361.

11. Mongol bodso, an alcoholic beverage made from barley-meal
milk, is connected by KOVALEVSKI in his Mongol Dictionary with

Persian boza, a beverage made from rice, millet, or barley.

12. Mongol bolot, steel, is derived from New Persian puldd, whether
lirectly or through the medium of Turkish languages is not certain.
The Persian word is widely diffused, and occurs in Tibetan, Armenian,
Ossetic, Grusinian, Turkish, and Russian. 1

13. Mongol bagdar, coat-of-mail, armor, goes back to Persian
bagtar (Jagatai baktar, Tibetan beg-tse).

14. Mongol sagari and sarisu, shagreen. 2 Prom Persian sagri. In
Tibetan it is sag-ri; 3 in Manchu sarin (while Manchu $empi is a tran-
scription of Chinese sie-p^i ffl $t) . 4

15. Mongol kukur, kugur, sulphur. From Persian gugurd, Afghan
kokurt (Arabic kibrlt, Hebrew gafrit, Modern Syriac kugurd).

1 6. Other Persian loan-words in Mongol have come from Tibetan,
thus: Mongol nal, spinel, balas ruby. From Tibetan nal; Persian Idl
(Notes on Turqois, p. 48). Mongol zira, cummin. From Tibetan zi-ra;
Persian zlra, Zira (above, p. 383).

17. In some cases the relation of Mongol to Persian is not entirely
clear. In these instances we have corresponding words in Turkish, and
it cannot be decided with certainty whether the Mongol word is trace-
able to Turkish or Persian.

Thus Mongol bony a, trumpet (cf. Manchu bur en and buleri), Turk-
ish boru, Uigur bb'rgu, 5 Persian burl.

1 8. Mongol dsaran (dsagaran), a species of antelope (Procapra
subgutturosa)-, Altaic jar an, wild goat of the steppe; Jagatai jiren,
gazelle; Persian jirdn, gazelle.

19. Mongol tos (written tagus, logos, to indicate the length of the
vowel), peacock. From Persian tdwus (Turk! ta'us).

20. Mongol toti, parrot. From Persian toil (Uigur and Turk! tofi).

21. Mongol bag, garden. This word occurs in a Mongol-Chinese
inscription of the year 1314, where the corresponding Chinese term
signifies " garden," and, as recognized by H. C. v. D. GABELENTz, 6
doubtless represents Persian bay ("garden").

1 Cf. T'oung Pao, 1916, pp. 82, 479.

2 K'ien-lun's Polyglot Dictionary, Ch. 24, pp. 38, 39.

3 T'oung Pao, 1916, p. 478.

4 This term is not noted in the Dictionary of Giles.
6 PELLIOT, T'oung Pao, 1915, p. 22.

6 Z. K. d. Morg., Vol. II, 1839, p. 12.



576 SlNO-lRANICA

22. Mongol Sikar, &kir, sugar. From Persian Sakar.

23. Mongol &tara, Kalmuk tatar, chess. From Persian Satranj.
E. Blochet's derivation of Mongol bogda from Persian bokhta is a

pseudo-Iranicum. The Mongol term is not a loan-word, but indigenous. 1
BOEHTLINGK, in his Yakut Dictionary, has justly compared it with
Yakut bogdo.

1 Cf. T'oung Pao, 1916, p. 495.






APPENDIX II
CHINESE ELEMENTS IN TURKI

On the preceding pages I had occasion to make reference in more
than one instance to words of the Turk! language spoken in Chinese
Turkistan. A. v. LE CoQ 1 has appended an excellent Turk! vocabulary
to a collection of texts recorded by him in the territory of Turf an. This
list contains a certain percentage of Chinese loan-words which I wish
briefly to discuss here.

In general, these have been correctly recognized and indicated by
Le Coq, though not identified with their Chinese equivalents. But
several pointed out as such are not Chinese; while there are others
which are Chinese, but are not so designated; and a certain number
of words put down as Chinese are left in doubt by the addition of an
interrogation-mark. To the first class belongs jan-za (" tobacco-pipe"),
alleged to be Chinese; on the contrary, this is a thoroughly Altaic word,
no trace of which is to be discovered in Chinese. 2 It is khamsa or xamsa
in Yakut, already indicated by BOEHTLINGK. S It is gangsa or gantsa
in Mongol; 4 gansa in the Buryat dialect of Selengin. 5 The word has
further invaded the Ugrian territory: Wogul qansa, Ostyak ocohsa, and
Samoyed ocansa. 6 It is noteworthy that the term has also found its way
into Tibetan, where its status as a loan-word has not yet been recog-
nized. It is written in the form gan-zag (pronounced gah-za; Kovalevski
writes it gan-sa, and Ramsay gives it as kanzak for West-Tibetan);
this spelling is due to popular assimilation of the word with Tibetan
gan-zag ("man, person").

In ju-xai gill ("narcissus") I am unable, as suggested by the author,
to recognize a Chinese-Turkish formation. The narcissus is styled in

1 Sprichworter und Lieder aus der Gegend von Turf an, Baessler-Archiv, Beiheft
I, 1910.

2 The Chinese word for a tobacco-pipe, (yen-) tai, is found as dai in Golde and
other Tungusian languages, because the Tungusian tribes receive their pipes from
China.

3 Jakutisches Worterbuch, p. 79.

4 KOVALEVSKI, Dictionnaire mongol, pp. 980, 982.
6 CASTRN, Burjatische Sprachlehre, p. 130.

6 A. AHLQUIST (Journal de la Societe finno-ougrienne, Vol. VIII, 1890, p. 9),
who regards the Ugrian words as loans from Turkish.

577



578 SlNO-lRANICA

Chinese $wi-hien ^K $1 ("water-fairy"). 1 Gill, of course, is Persian gul
("flower"). Jusai ("garlic") is not Chinese either. Mdjdzd ("chair")
is hardly Chinese, as suggested.

To the second class belong ton ("cold, frozen"), which is apparently
identical with Chinese tun 5C of the same meaning, and tung ("wooden
bucket"), which is the equivalent of Chinese fun IB ("tub, barrel").
There are, further, pdn ("board"), from Chinese pan S; yangza ("sort,
kind"), from yan-tse It! -?; qdwd ("gourd"), from kwa J&.

The word ton-kai ("donkey's knuckle-bones employed in a game")
is tentatively marked Chinese. This term is mentioned, with a brief
description of the game, in the Manchu Polyglot Dictionary 2 as Chinese
(colloquial) tan cen'r kun'r W Of & St 5i and Tibetan t'e-k'ei-gan; the
latter is not Tibetan, and without any doubt represents a transcription.
The Chinese term, however, may be so likewise. In Manchu, the word
toxai denotes the smooth side of the knuckle-bone, and is apparently
related to Turk! tonkai.

The Chinese origin of Id-zd ("red pepper, pimento") is not to be
questioned. It is Chinese la-tse J& -?\ 3 Still less can the Chinese charac-
ter of 'irJtin ("two men," that is, descendant of a Chinese and a Turkish
woman) be called into doubt; this, of course, is er Zen ^ A.

The following Chinese words indicated by Le Coq may be identified,
only those of special interest being selected:

dan, inn, bungalow, from tien j. This word has been carried by the Chinese

all over Central Asia. It has also been traced in Sogdian in the form fim.*
go-si, official placards posted in a public place, from kao-U ^ 73^.
sai-pun, tailor, from ts'ai-fun ^ jft.
maupan, miller, mill, from mo-fan (cu) | i rf.
yan-xo, match, from yan hwo ffi fc.
tunli bdk, interpreter; the first element from t'un-$i jjj lj (see Loan- Words in

Tibetan, No. 310; and Journal Am. Or. Soc., 1917, p. 200).
Ian, money, from Vien ^.

ti-za, banknotes issued by the Governor of Urumc'i, from M-tse JH -J*.
jozd, table (Le Coq erroneously "chair"), from lo-tse ^ -J*.
Ian, bed, from Zwan jf^C.

dd-dir, kind of horse-bean, perhaps from ta-tou ~fc S-
dan-za, notebook, from can-tse ^^ -^.
Sum-po, title of the Chinese governor, from sun fu p$
Id-tdi, candlestick, from la t*ai $j^ ft.
min-ldn-zd, door-curtain, from men-lin-tse P5 ;^l ?"
yan-yo, potato, from yan yao ^ ^.

1 See, further, above, p. 427.

2 Cf. K. HIMLY, T'oung Pao, Vol. VI, 1895, p. 280.

3 Cf. Loan- Words in Tibetan, No. 237.

4 F. W. K. MULLER, Soghdische Texte, I, p. 104.



CHINESE ELEMENTS IN TURKI 579

In the Turkl collectanea of G. RAQUETTE 1 I note the following
Chinese words:

cin-say, celery, from Vin ts'ai J^ ^j.

manto, meat-dumpling, from man-t'ou fH |H-

lizd, a Chinese foot (measure), from Vi-tse /?, -f.

lobo, a long turnip, from lo-po |j >ffj.

jin, a Chinese pound, from fan /p.

A few other remarks on Turkl words recorded by Le Coq may
follow here:

ndhdl ("ruby") is apparently Persian Idl (above, p. 575).

zummurdt ("emerald") is not Arabic-Turkish, but Persian (above, p. 519).

There is no reason to question the Persian origin of palas ("cloth, sail"); it

is identical with Persian balds (above, p. 495).
dowd ("hill") is identical with Turkish deve, teve ("camel"); cf. Toung Pao,

1915, p. 21.

yttpis ("snow-leopard") is identical with Mongol irbis ("panther").
1 Eastern Turki Grammar, Mitt. Sem. Or. Spr., 1914, II, pp. 170-232.