۱۳۸۷ آذر ۹, شنبه


The Circular TheoryThe Ubiquitous Circle
Circular Theory - Overview
It's All About the Circle
What is the Circular Theory?
The Circle: Infinite Intelligence
The Circle: Absolute Intelligence
The Circle: Basic Relativity - Day or Night?
Absolute Relativity
Untangling the Circle: Universal Mandala
Untangling Relationships: Opposite Approach
The Circle Creating Reality (Proof)
Circles of Circles (Universes of Universes)
Opposite Pairs
Opposite Pairs
Opposites - Partial Truths (Observation)
Symbols - Relative Realities (Perspective)
Symbols - Dimension (Shape, Form)
Intelligent Circles
Science and the Circle
Circular Theory of Everything
Conservation of the Circle
Conservation-Symmetry
Substance-Sound: Form, Substance
Movement-Light: Energy, Mass
White Papers
Scientists and the Circle
Thales - Pythagoras
— Plato - Aristotle - Hegel
Galileo - Columbus
Einstein - Jung
World Peace and the Circle
World Peace - Sustainable and Perpetual
High Schools and Colleges
Organizational Entities
Productive Thinking Centers
Peace News Network
Circle of Peace
2012
About
Ilexa Yardley, Author
Sources
FAQ
Poems Plato-Aristotle

Plato and Aristotle articulated reality as a relationship between form and substance. Their ideas were necessarily alternate and opposite. Though Plato favored form (ideas), and Aristotle favored substance (physical reality), their separate perspectives are inextricably linked ( it is not possible to have form without substance except in our mind).

Plato - World of Abstracts - Ideas

The Platonic, idealistic, way of thinking is that abstract ideas define concrete realities, and if something is not an idea, or a form, it does not exist. Plato's thinking, symbolized by a 0, can be thought of as general, feminine and abstract. For Plato, the general idea of a person is more important than any specific, actual person. Thinking in form means there is only one person.

Aristotle - World of Concretes - Realities

The Aristotelian, realistic, way of thinking is that realities define ideas, and if something is not a reality, or a substance, it does not exist. Aristotle's thinking, symbolized by a 1, can be thought of as specific, masculine and concrete. For Aristotle, the specific, actual person is more important than the general idea of a person. Thinking in substance means there are an unlimited number of people.

Plato and Aristotle - A Very Basic Circle

Symbolically, Plato and Aristotle were articulating alternate views of reality, creating a very basic circle in the process. Plato's attention was on the abstract, singular circumference, or form, and Aristotle's was on the concrete multiple, moving diameter, or substance. Their argument, or alternate views of reality, itself, forms a very basic (the diameter of a) circle.

Philosophy/Religion - World of Abstract; Science - World of Concrete

Plato and Aristotle represent opposite systems, ideologies or views of the world. Plato's idealism is the foundation for, and is demonstrated by, all the world's religion, where universal ideas dominate, and define, specific realities. Aristotelian realism is the foundation for, and is demonstrated by, science, where specific realities dominate, and define, universal ideas. Plato and Aristotle, religion and science, represent the relationship of form and substance.

Hegel - World of Both - Form & Substance, Ideas & Realities

Hegel introduced the concept of integrating opposite views by taking a thesis and its anti-thesis, and creating a synthesis, or combination of the two. Until Hegel, (and even to this day), people felt moved to chose either Plato or Aristotle's style of thinking, one or the other, as the 'correct' way to look at things: form over substance, generalizations over details, ideas over realities, abstracts over concretes, religion over science, or vice versa. Integrating Plato, Aristotle and Hegel, however, creates a system where ideas and realities, abstract and concrete, or form and substance, are present in the same moment, separation possible only in thought (and certainly never necessary).

Using Hegel's synthesis, religion and science, or form and substance, are articulating the same thing. All entities are form and substance, ideal and real, abstract and concrete, Plato and Aristotle, day and night, a set of general opposite pairs. Where we place our attention, alone, determines what we will experience, and how we will label. The relationship between form and substance defines a very basic circle (sound). Integrating Plato, Aristotle and Hegel, however, creates a system where ideas and realities, abstract and concrete, or form and substance, are present in the same moment, separation possible only in thought (and certainly never necessary). Using Hegel's synthesis, philosophy/religion and science, or form and substance, are articulating the same thing. All entities are form and substance, ideal and real, abstract and concrete, Plato and Aristotle, day and night, a set of general opposite pairs. Where we place our attention, alone, determines what we will experience, and how we will label.

Plato, Aristotle, Hegel Create a Circle

Plato and Aristotle, a very basic pair, the diameter of an important circle, were thinking, and articulating, by, for, in, within, because of, and as, a circle.Their alternate perspectives are caused by, and because of, as form and as substance, a very basic circle. This is, and they demonstrate, Conservation of the Circle is the absolute-intelligence (science) and the infinite-intelligence (philosophy or religion) beneath, guiding, driving and linking form, substance (sound), energy, mass (light), time and space (circle). The circle ties Plato and Aristotle, or the ideal and the real, finally, firmly, and perpetually, together.

Conservation of the Circle is the basis for reality.

How to think in a circle...

Absolute Intelligence by Ilexa Yardley

copyright © 1974-2008, ilexa yardley. all rights reserved.
Logic and Philosophy of Logic

The Modernity of Aristotle’s Logical Investigations

George Boger
Canisius College
BOGER@wehle.canisius.edu



ABSTRACT: Not until the early 1920’s was it possible to distinguish Aristotelian or traditional logic from Aristotle’s own ancient logic. We can now recognize many aspects of his logical investigations that are themselves modern, in the sense that modern logicians are making discoveries that Aristotle had already made or had anticipated. Here we gather five salient features of Aristotle’s logical investigations that reveal a striking philosophical modernity: 1) Aristotle took logic to be that part of epistemology used to establish knowledge of logical consequence; 2) Prior Analytics is a metalogical treatise on the syllogistic deduction system; 3) Aristotle recognized the epistemic efficacy of certain elemental argument patterns, and he explicitly formulated them as rules of natural deduction in corresponding sentences; 4) Prior Analytics is a proof-theoretic treatise in which Aristotle describes a natural deduction system and demonstrates certain of the logical relationships among syllogistic deduction rules (Aristotle modeled his syllogistic logic in a rudimentary way for this purpose and metasystematically established the independence of a set of deduction rules); and finally, 5) Aristotle worked with a notion of substitution sufficient for distinguishing logical syntax and semantics. In this connection he also distinguished validity from deducibility sufficiently well to note the completeness of his logic.




Introduction

Until recently the difference between Aristotelian, or traditional, logic and Aristotle’s own ancient logic had been blurred. Perhaps this is attributable to scholars not having seen a special need to compare the two. However, it was really not possible meaningfully to distinguish the two until modern logicians examined Aristotle’s syllogistic through the lens of mathematical logic. As a result, studies of Aristotle’s logic since the 1920s have established his genius as a logician of considerable originality and insight. Indeed, we can now recognize many aspects of his logical investigations that are themselves modern, in the sense that modern logicians are making discoveries that Aristotle had already made or anticipated. Not the least of his accomplishments is having treated the process of deduction itself, a fact long overlooked by students of logic. Here we gather five salient features of Aristotle’s logical investigations in Prior Analytics: (1) logic is taken as part of epistemology; (2) syllogistic deduction is treated metalogically; (3) rules of natural deduction are explicitly formulated; (4) the syllogistic system is modeled to demonstrate logical relationships among its rules; and (5) logical syntax is distinguished from semantics. While each of these features is perhaps familiar to us, when they are viewed together they reveal the striking philosophical modernity of an ancient logician.

Features of Aristotle’s modernity

Aristotle would agree with Alonzo Church and other modern logicians that "(formal) logic is concerned with the analysis of sentences or of propositions and of proof with attention to the form in abstraction from the matter" (1956: 1). This notion takes the discipline of logic to be a metalogical investigation of underlying logics (1956: 57-58). Part of Aristotle’s philosophical genius is having established a formal logic while at the same time making the study of logic a science. He recognized that deductions about a given subject matter are topic specific and pertain to a given universe of discourse,(1) say to geometry or arithmetic or biology, but that such deductions employ a topic neutral deduction system to establish knowledge of logical consequence. In Prior Analytics and Posterior Analytics and in Topics and Sophistical Refutations, Aristotle distinguished using a logic to process information on a given subject matter from studying the deduction system of an underlying logic.(2) Prior Analytics successfully established a formal deduction system that could serve as an instrument for demonstrative science, or apodeiktikê epistêmê, as this is outlined in Posterior Analytics. We are assured of Aristotle’s concern with the formal matters of deduction when, at the outset of his treatment of the three figures in Prior Analytics, he wrote that "sullogismos should be discussed before apodeixis (demonstration) because sullogismos is more universal: an apodeixis is a kind of sullogismos, but not every sullogismos is an apodeixis" (25b28-31). Prior Analytics is a study of a system of formal conditions for cogent argumentation.

Thus, when we read in De Anima that "the soul ... is like the hand; for the hand is an instrument of instruments, and in the same way the mind is the form of forms" (De Anima 3.8, 432a1-2), we can appreciate that Aristotle treated logic as a part of epistemology. In particular, he considered it to be that part used to establish knowledge that a given categorical sentence follows logically or necessarily from other given categorical sentences. Aristotle seconded this notion when in Posterior Analytics A10 he remarked that "demonstration is not addressed to external argument but to argument in the mind" (76b24-27). A deduction system for Aristotle, then, is an epistemic instrument of the mind by means of which someone is able logically to derive theorems from the first principles of a demonstrative science. The study of such an instrument is focused precisely on the formal conditions of logical consequence. Aristotle and modern logicians share the same notion that establishing knowledge of logical consequence is central to the study of logic.

We might underscore this aspect of Aristotle’s investigations by noting that at Metaphysics 4.3-8 (cf. 11.5) he treated the most certain principle of all, to wit, the law of non-contradiction, as well as the law of excluded middle. He expressed these laws both as ontological principles and as logical principles. Consequently, given that logic is a part of epistemology concerned with establishing knowledge of logical consequence and, moreover, that a logic has an ontological underpinning that makes it impossible for true sentences to imply a false sentence, we understand that Prior Analytics is a metalogical treatise on the syllogistic deduction system and, indeed, on the formal process of deduction itself.

In Prior Analytics Aristotle turned his attention away from object language discourses and toward objectifying the formal deduction apparatus used to establish scientific theorems. Aristotle was especially concerned to determine "how every sullogismos is generated" (25b26-31). He accomplished this by exhaustively treating every possible categorical argument pattern(3) having a premise-set of two categorical sentence patterns with places for three different terms. Aristotle studied only these patterns because two categorical sentences have the "the fewest number of terms and premises through which something different than what was initially taken results necessarily."(4) Accordingly, he demonstrated which of these patterns have only valid argument instances and which patterns have only invalid argument instances. The results of his study, particularly in Prior Analytics A4-7, serve as elements in his deduction system.

Now, to separate the patterns with only valid instances, that is, the sullogismoi, from the patterns with only invalid instances, Aristotle used two metalogical processes: (1) the method of completion and (2) the method of contrasted instances.(5) The method of completion (teleiousthai or teleiôsis) is a deduction process carried out in the metalanguage of Prior Analytics.(6) This process explicitly employs, as Aristotle’s choice of verb suggests, the four teleioi sullogismoi, or perfect sullogismoi, of the first figure as rules of deduction to establish which second and third figure argument patterns are sullogismoi. Aristotle’s interest here is to establish which argument patterns have only valid argument instances. Every argument with semantically precise terms fitting one of these patterns is valid. In this way he identified fourteen sullogismoi in three figures.(7) It is important to recognize that Aristotle treated the sullogismoi individually and not axiomatically; his metasystematic treatment of the sullogismoi is inductive and not deductive.(8) Aristotle identified every argument pattern with only invalid argument instances by the method of contrasted instances.(9) His metasystematic treatment of the non-syllogistic argument patterns is likewise inductive and not axiomatic. The method of contrasted instances is interestingly different from either the modern method of counterargument or the method of counterinterpretation precisely because it invalidates argument patterns and not argument instances. It is noteworthy that Aristotle does not provide even one instance of the method of counterargument in Prior Analytics A4-7.(10) We attribute this to his concern with argument patterns and not arguments per se.

A sullogismos, then, as specifically treated in Prior Analytics A4-7, is a relatively uninterpreted object. In fact, it is an elemental argument pattern with only valid argument instances. In Prior Analytics Aristotle was principally concerned to treat argument patterns and not arguments in much the same way that a geometer treats triangles and parallelograms apart from a carpenter’s concern, for example, with this or that triangle, etc.(11)

It is worth noting in this connection that Aristotle employed, at least implicitly, the semantic principle of form, that two arguments having the same form, or, in Aristotle’s case, fitting the same strict syllogistic pattern, are both valid or both invalid. He established a relationship between an argument’s pattern and its validity or invalidity. This is especially well stated a number of times in Prior Analytics when Aristotle summarized the results of his studies in A4, A5, and in A6. He wrote, for example, of the second figure:

it is evident both that a sullogismos is generated necessarily whenever the terms are related to one another as was stated, and that if there is a sullogismos, then it is necessary for the terms to be so related. (A5, 28a1-3; cf. A4, 26a13-16 & 26b26-28, A5, 27a23-25, and A6, 29a11-14)

For there to be a sullogismos it is necessary and sufficient that terms be formally related as Aristotle stated in a number of rules. Likewise, for there not to be a sullogismos, it is necessary and sufficient that terms be formally related in the other ways he systematically examined, likewise stated in rules.(12)

We can now appreciate a third point about Aristotle’s logical sophistication. Aristotle recognized the epistemic efficacy of the sullogismoi—that is, the elemental argument patterns having only valid instances—and he explicitly formulated them as rules of deduction in corresponding sentences. In Prior Analytics A4-7 Aristotle established a set of deduction rules as part of his natural deduction system.(13) One process of deduction is accomplished by taking pairs of given categorical sentences to generate immediate inferences according to prescribed rules; these inferences are then added to the given sentences and then again taken in pairs, to wit, syllogistically (sullogistikôs), until a final conclusion is reached (see esp. Prior Analytics A25).(14) Aristotle treated this process in a fashion exactly analogous to chaining immediate inferences by using rules of propositional logic. In Prior Analytics A4-7 Aristotle treated a sullogismos exactly as a topic neutral rule of deduction. He used the expression ‘technê sullogistikê,’ or the syllogistic art, in Sophistical Refutations 11 (172a35) to capture his thinking.(15)

We can now appreciate a fourth modern feature of Aristotle’s study of logic. Prior Analytics (esp. at A1-2, 4-7, 23, 45) is a proof-theoretic treatise in which Aristotle demonstrated certain of the logical relationships among syllogistic deduction rules. Aristotle even modeled his syllogistic logic, albeit in a rudimentary way, to describe and to study the system in order to establish theorems about the system’s properties. Indeed, we see that Aristotle developed an artificial language, although not strictly a formal language, to help model his logic better to reveal its properties. Although it is stretching the point to say that Aristotle approximated inventing an uninterpreted language, we might, nevertheless, recognize a move in this direction.(16)

Again, it is worth noting on a related matter that Aristotle expected scientists to construct what amounts to a logically perfect language for each universe of scientific discourse. This requirement for demonstrative knowledge is forcefully expressed at Metaphysics 11.5 (cf. Metaphysics 4.4 and Prior Analytics B3) where he exhorted philosophers to eliminate equivocation and ambiguity and to eschew the use of metaphor in scientific discourse. He wrote:

Those, therefore, who are to communicate with one another by way of argument must have some common understanding … Every word must therefore be intelligible and indicate something definite, not many things, but only one; and if it has more than one signification, it must be made plain in which of these the word is being used. He, therefore, who says that ‘this is and is not’ denies what he affirms, with the consequence that he declares the word to signify what it does not signify; but this is impossible. Consequently, if ‘this is’ signifies something, it is impossible to assert truly its contradictory. (1062a11-19)

In Prior Analytics Aristotle’s interests were not immediately focused on the practice of performing object language deductions but on questions that compass the foundations of deductive sciences. Aristotle treated syllogistic entities and their relationships just as modern mathematical logicians have treated the relationships among the operators and deduction rules of propositional logic. And he understood his logical investigations in just this way.

We have already mentioned the metalogical process of completion, whose epistemic import is to establish which argument patterns can serve as rules of deduction. Aristotle’s proof-theoretic theorem concerning completion is that "all the ateleis sullogismoi are completed by means of the first figure sullogismoi using probative and reductio proofs" (A7, 29a30-33).(17) Aristotle used metalogical deductions to establish the sullogismoi. The complement to completion, the method of contrasted instances, has as its epistemic import to eliminate certain elemental argument patterns as possible rules of deduction.

But one of Aristotle’s more remarkable proof-theoretic results is accomplished at Prior Analytics A7 where he treated the reduction (anagein or anagôgê) of sullogismoi. This matter has caused considerable difficulty for interpreters, a part of which consists in their having confused reduction with analysis (analuein or analusis) in their zeal to axiomatize Aristotle’s syllogistic.(18) However, a careful reading shows that for Aristotle reduction is a proof-theoretic process that establishes certain deduction rules to be redundant or unnecessary in his deduction system: the same deductive results can be obtained by using a select number of rules. At A7 he treated the logical relationships among all the sullogismoi taken as rules. Thus, when treating the reduction of the sullogismoi, Aristotle was not concerned to demonstrate the validity or invalidity of a given argument or to show that a given argument pattern is a sullogismos (as at A5-6). Rather, he was concerned to demonstrate that a conclusion is shown to follow for each of the established sullogismoi by using only the two universal teleioi sullogismoi as deduction rules. While his process of reducing the sullogismoi is metasystematic, it is nevertheless an inductive process that employs a deductive step; Aristotle tests each possible result individually and not axiomatically.(19) Aristotle’s theorem concerning reduction is that "all the sullogismoi can be reduced to the two universal sullogismoi in the first figure" (A7, 29b1-2). Expressing this in modern terms, we see that Aristotle demonstrated the logical independence of the two universal sullogismoi of the first figure.(20)

Our final observation about Aristotle’s logical acumen concerns his having distinguished logical syntax from semantics in a way familiar to mathematical logicians. While it is doubtful that Aristotle had a modern theory of language, and surely did not work with a string-theoretic formal language, it is nevertheless true that he recognized different logical patterns to underlie sentences involving, for example, ambiguity and equivocation. This, of course, applies a fortiori also to arguments. One way sufficient for determining whether a logician distinguishes logical syntax from semantics is to ascertain whether a logician works with a notion of interpretation or re-interpretation. We believe that Aristotle worked with neither notion. However, another equally sufficient way is to determine whether a logician works with a notion of substitution, a process by which one changes the language, or the content words in a given argument, while leaving their meanings and the logical form fixed. Aristotle’s pervasive use of schematic letters—not variables(21)—to mark places for terms, his naming terms by their schematic positions, and his practice of substitution indicate his having distinguished semantics and syntax. Moreover, throughout his discussion Aristotle systematically treated patterns of sentences, patterns of two premises with places for three different terms and their corresponding argument patterns schematically. And he did this according to a strict syllogistic syntax without reference to particular arguments.(22) He even explicitly named four logical constants in just the same manner as modern logicians (A4, 26b30-33): "belongs to every", "belongs to none", "belongs to some", "does not belong to some". We can turn to Sophistical Refutations to corroborate our point about Aristotle distinguishing semantics and syntax.

In Sophistical Refutations Aristotle used the word ‘sullogismos’ to denote an argument that fits an argument pattern having only valid instances, and he used the expression ‘phainomenos sullogismos’, or apparent sullogismoi, to denote an argument that appears to fit such a pattern but which really fits another, non-syllogistic pattern, for example, one with four terms as in a case of equivocation. In such cases Aristotle recognized that a given word or expression may have two different meanings and thus fall into two different semantic domains or denote two different terms. Thus, while a two-premise categorical argument with an equivocal term has a given grammatical pattern that makes it appear to be a sullogismos, it really has an underlying logical pattern different from a sullogismos. And these logical patterns were precisely Aristotle’s concern in Prior Analytics, and they may even have been presupposed for his study in Sophistical Refutations. These patterns are strictly formal and independent of a given object language. Moreover, these patterns are independent of the particular use to which a given object language argument might be put, whether as a hypothetical argument, or as a dialectical, a didactic, a demonstrative, or an eristic argument.(23)

Modern mathematical logicians, we know, make a clear distinction between logical syntax and semantics, but they believe that Aristotle was not sophisticated enough to make this distinction and that, as a result, he did not define "logical consequence" or "following necessarily". However, if we turn to Metaphysics 5.5 we recognize a sophistication precisely in his defining "necessary" just as he used the concept in Prior Analytics: "that which is necessary is that having no other relationship" (1015a34). At Metaphysics 4.5 he wrote much the same: "for it is not possible for what is necessary to be one way and another, and so if something is of necessity, it cannot be so and not so" (1010b28-30). Interestingly, he also made an explicit reference to demonstration at Metaphysics 5.5 in connection with the passage cited above:

demonstration is of necessary things, because, if there is a demonstration proper, it is not possible for there to be any other relations; the reason for this is the premises, for if there is a sullogismos it is [logically] impossible for there to be another relationship among them. (1015b7-9)

Thus, a sullogismos is such that no other result is logically possible.(24) We have seen above how Aristotle understood the relationship of terms in premises fitting given argument patterns.

In this connection, we also recognize Aristotle to have very clearly distinguished truth from validity. This is especially evident at Prior Analytics B2-4 where he systematically treated the various possibilities of valid arguments with combinations of true and false sentences as premises and conclusions in the three figures. Aristotle was keenly aware of the difference between (1) establishing knowledge of the truth or falsity of a given sentence (whether by induction or by deduction) and (2) establishing knowledge of the validity or invalidity of a given argument. And, likewise he keenly grasped the difference between the necessity in each case. In addition, he also distinguished validity from deducibility. In this respect it is interesting to consider his metasystematic claim at Prior Analytics A30:

For if nothing that truly belongs to the subjects has been left out of our collection of facts, then concerning every fact, if a demonstration for it exists, we will be able to find that demonstration and demonstrate it, while if it does not naturally have a demonstration, we will be able to make that evident. (46a24-27)

This statement surely points to Aristotle’s concern with the practical power of his syllogistic system as an epistemic instrument for obtaining scientific knowledge. Moreover, this passage suggests a modern concern with the completeness of a deduction system, that is, with whether every logical consequence of a set of sentences is deducible using a given set of deduction rules (cf. A23). As we know, making a distinction between syntax and semantics is thought to be necessary for asking about the completeness of a set of deduction rules. The statement from A30 cited above surely makes evident that Aristotle thought about the foundations of a system of logic, although his completeness proof in this connection has features different from that of a modern logician’s proof.(25)

Summary

We have highlighted five aspects of the remarkable modernity of Aristotle’s thinking about logic. (1) Aristotle took logic to be a part of epistemology. A logic is used to establish knowledge of logical consequence, and the science of logic takes this as its principal concern. (2) Prior Analytics is a metalogical treatise on the syllogistic deduction system. Aristotle exhaustively treated all possible combinations of ‘syllogistic’ argument patterns to determine which have only valid argument instances. (3) Aristotle recognized the epistemic efficacy of certain elemental argument patterns having only valid instances, and he explicitly formulated them as rules of natural deduction in corresponding sentences. (4) Prior Analytics is a proof-theoretic treatise in which Aristotle described a natural deduction system and demonstrated certain of the logical relationships among syllogistic rules. In fact, Aristotle modeled his syllogistic in a rudimentary way for this purpose. One important metasystematic result is to have established the independence of a set of deduction rules. Finally, (5) Aristotle worked with a notion of substitution sufficient for distinguishing logical syntax and semantics. In this connection he also distinguished validity from deducibility sufficiently well to note the completeness of his logic.

Our reading of Prior Analytics takes Aristotle to have treated the process of deduction much as modern mathematical logicians do and not to have been confused about some fundamental matters of logic. Least of all was he confused, as commentators such as Günther Patzig (1968: 16-42) believe, about a distinction between "following necessarily" and "being necessary", both in respect of the distinction between a sullogismos, or a deduction, and a demonstration (apodeixis) and of the distinction between assertoric logic and modal logic. Aristotle clearly distinguished between (1) a given sentence’s following necessarily from other sentences and (2) a given sentence denoting a state of affairs to be necessary (or possible). Grasping him to be concerned with the deduction process helps us to avoid such an error. In any case, Aristotle recognized that, while the conclusion of a given argument follows necessarily from its premises, this necessity may not be evident to a participant. He knew that the epistemic process of deduction produces knowledge, or makes evident, that a given sentence follows necessarily from other given sentences. He considered the product of this epistemic process to be an argumentation that includes a deductive chain of reasoning in addition to the given premises and conclusion. He recognized using deduction rules in the epistemic process for establishing validity. Furthermore, Aristotle distinguished (1) the subject matter of a given argument from (2) the use to which a given argument might be put from (3) the varying expertise of a participant. All these matters are distinct from (4) the formal matters underlying any of them. And precisely to examine these formal matters was his project in Prior Analytics. In this connection, then, we understand Aristotle to have distinguished two kinds of knowledge that cannot be otherwise: (1) knowledge of what is true or false, which pertains to sentences, and (2) knowledge of what is valid or invalid, which pertains to arguments.

Concluding remarks

Only recently have we been able to recover something of Aristotle’s promethean accomplishments relating to logic. Indeed, we are recognizing more and more that part of the history of modern logic is to have re-invented the wheel that Aristotle turned many years ago. It is astonishing that for hundreds of years, perhaps dating to before the Port Royal Logic, Aristotelian logic, or traditional logic, has been taught without a single reference to the process of deduction. It has been the practice of R. Whately, W. S. Jevons, H. W. B. Joseph, J. N. Keynes, R. M. Eaton, and many others. It is still the practice in untold numbers of introductory textbooks on categorical logic to test a syllogism according to rules of quality, quantity and distribution and entirely to overlook the deduction process of chaining syllogisms, not to mention the glaring traditionalist error to take a syllogism to be either a valid or invalid argument.

Jan Lukasiewicz can be credited with shedding light on the syllogistic by being the first to examine it with the theoretical apparatus of mathematical logic. But Lukasiewicz and his followers really only ‘improved’ the traditionalist interpretation with a sophistication afforded by mathematical logic. Both lines of interpretation took Aristotle’s presentation in Prior Analytics to be his own axiomatization of the syllogistic. While traditionalists awkwardly drew lines between sentences in different syllogisms to indicate their logical relationships (their analyses or transformations), axiomaticists such as Lukasiewicz cleverly turned a sullogismos into a logically true conditional proposition that could be processed by a propositional logic. In this way the axiomaticists indicated the logical relationships among the syllogisms. Again, the epistemic process of deduction treated in Prior Analytics was overlooked. It was not until the early 1970s with the work of John Corcoran and Timothy Smiley that the case for Aristotle’s reputation as a logician of consummate intelligence and originality was well argued. They established Aristotle to be concerned with a deduction process just as many modern logicians are. Corcoran and Smiley also used mathematical logic to model Aristotle’s logic. However, instead of finding an axiomatization of a logic, they discovered a natural deduction system. But they remained puzzled by reduction, in part, we believe, because they did not think that Aristotle modeled his own system of deduction rules nor that he could envision distinguishing syntax and semantics. Our interpretation builds on the work of Corcoran and Smiley, and now on that of Robin Smith whose recent translation of Prior Analytics (1989) has incorporated their findings. We believe, however, that Aristotle did model his own system. In particular, we read him as treating a sullogismos as a rule of deduction at Prior Analytics A4-7, and that he himself was able proof-theoretically to determine certain properties of his deduction system. He was able to refine the system by eliminating redundant rules, and he affirmed his system’s completeness. These are Aristotle’s own accomplishments, not merely those of modern logicians who, using mathematical logic, believe themselves to have discovered features of the syllogistic unknown to Aristotle. Indeed, modern logicians might wonder at their ‘having spoken’ Aristotelian logic their whole lives without any idea of it.




NOTES

(1) Aristotle regularly employed the notion of "universe of discourse". See, for example, his discussion at Posterior Analytics A10-12.

(2) An underlying logic consists in a language, a semantics, and a deduction system; see J. Corcoran 1974: 87-88. Prior Analytics, Categories, and De Interpretatione together comprise Aristotle’s treatment of an underlying logic.

(3) We use ‘pattern’ and ‘form’ (J. Corcoran 1993: xxxi-xxxvii) as, for example, I. Copi (1986: 288-291) respectively uses ‘form’ and ‘specific form’ or as W. O. Quine uses "general [logical] schema" and "special case [logical schema]" (1982: 44; cf. 1970: 47-51).

(4) See Prior Analytics B2, 53b18-20 and Posterior Analytics A3, 73a7-11 and B11, B24-27.

(5) We have followed Ross (1949: 302) in using the expression ‘contrasted instances’ to name Aristotle’s method of invalidation.

(6) Aristotle also used ‘teleiousthai’ (to complete) to denote the syllogistic deduction process carried out in a given object language.

(7) Aristotle recognized 14 sullogismoi in three figures whereas traditional logicians, or logicians referring to traditional logic, consider there to be 24 syllogisms in four figures.

(8) The following analogy helps to explain Aristotle’s procedure. Just as a geologist might use a hammer to break open a given rock to determine whether or not it is a geode, and upon making the determination place the object in one of two piles, so Aristotle uses a metalogical deduction to determine in each case when a given argument pattern belongs in the set of sullogismoi.

(9) It is evident that Aristotle considered the non-syllogistic argument patterns, which consist in two premises with three different terms, to have no valid instances.

(10) Aristotle’s method of invalidating argument patterns consists in substituting two sets of three different terms into two argument patterns to produce two arguments all of whose sentences are true. Each argument has premises fitting the same premise-pair pattern, but the one has a universal affirmative (a) sentence as a conclusion and the other a universal privative (e) sentence as a conclusion. However, it is a simple matter to adapt his method to the method of counterargument, and thus to produce two arguments each with true premises and a false conclusion, by switching his substitution instances. Consider, in this respect, his invalidating any syllogistic argument having two universal privative sentences in the first figure at A4, 26a11-13.

(11) While we take Aristotle to have explicitly treated argument patterns and not arguments, we do not consider him to have apprehended these ‘forms’ in a platonistic fashion.

(12) Aristotle provided nine sentences expressing the 14 sullogismos rules and fifteen sentences covering every possible non-syllogistic pattern.

(!3) This system consists in four kinds of categorical sentence, two pairs of contradictories and one pair of contraries, three conversion rules, four sullogismos rules (reduced to two at A7), and direct and indirect proofs.

(14) The syllogistic process as Aristotle construed it is roughly analogous to adding a series of single digit numbers: two are taken and added, the result is then paired in turn with a third number and added, and so on until a sum is calculated. We might surmise in this connection that Aristotle likely incorporated into his conception of an extended deduction process the possibility of one or more indirect deductions as ‘nested steps’.

(15) Cf. Sophistical Refutations 9 and 11, and Prior Analytics A1. Also consider Aristotle’s view at A30 (46a10-12/15) and at Metaphysics 1005b5-8 and 996b26 concerning ‘the principles [archai] of the sullogismoi and of demonstrations’.

(16) It is doubtful that Aristotle developed this artificial language to model natural language and more likely that he aimed to standardize scientific discourse or to model his logic.

(17) ‘Teleios’ and ‘atelês’ are epistemic terms referring to the evidency of a sentence following logically from two other sentences. A teleios sullogismos is completed through itself (di’hautou; A7, 29b7); in such a case the necessity of the conclusion following necessarily from the premises is immediately evident. In the case of an atelês sullogismos, evidency of necessity is not immediate since something other is needed; here a deduction is required to establish knowledge of logical consequence. On this matter, see also A1 at 24b18-26, A4 at 26b28-33, A5 at 27a1-3, 27a15-18, and 28a4-7, and A6 at 28a15-17 and 29a14-16.

(18) J. Lukasiewicz (1958), for example, believes that he helps to illuminate Aristotle’s own axiomatization of the syllogistic, and J. W. Miller (1938: 14, 25, 28) believes that he completed an undertaking that Aristotle himself had begun. Traditionalists have tried to ‘deduce’ all the syllogisms from the dictum de omni et nullo, while the axiomaticists have tried variously to ‘deduce’ them as theorems from others taken as axioms.

(19) Reduction here is not per se a deduction process, but a process that employs deduction. Aristotle at A7 performed deductions (or referred to those at A5-6) but with the objective to eliminate redundant rules in order to simplify his deduction system. Aristotle demonstrated that each of the second and third figure sullogismoi, as well as the two particular sullogismoi of the first figure, can be completed by using only the two universal sullogismoi of the first figure as deduction rules. Cf. above note 9 on his procedure.

(20) At A4-6 he established the preeminence of the teleioi sullogismoi (first figure) among the sullogismoi and implicitly established that the ateleis sullogismoi (second and third figures) are redundant rules in his deduction system.

(21) We believe that Aristotle took each letter to be a schematic letter, and not a logical variable, in a way similar to W. O. Quine’s meaning of "a dummy to mark a position" (1970: 12; cf. 1982: 33, 145-146, 160-162).

(22) However, Aristotle did provide many instances of categorical arguments with two premises, particularly in respect of his method of contrasted instances for invalidating argument patterns.

(23) This collection might perhaps be extended to include the modal syllogistic treated at Prior Analytics A3, 8-22.

(24) This holds notwithstanding that a weakened a or e sentence (i. e. an i or o sentence) is a different sentence. This is a trivial truth for Aristotle; see Prior Analytics B1, 53a3-14, esp. 53a12. "To be otherwise" refers to contrariety and contradiction.

(25) The intuitive aspect of Aristotle’s completeness proof at A23 (cf. A7 on reduction) is roughly captured by the modern notion of mathematical induction. For Aristotle, the elemental syllogistic argument patterns capture every possible valid argument having a premise-set of two sentences. These elemental argument patterns constitute (along with the conversion rules) the elements of (syllogistic) deductive reasoning. Every extended syllogistic discourse (sic. a deduction) is reducible to a chain of sullogismoi, that is, to a chain of immediate inferences generated syllogistically (sullogistikôs). Every valid categorical argument having more than two premises can be completed, that is, its conclusion can be deduced syllogistically by generating a chain of immediate inferences, to wit, a chain of sullogismoi.

Selected Bibliography

Barnes, J. 1981. "Proof and the Syllogism". In: E. Berti (ed.). Aristotle on Science: the "Posterior Analytics". Padua: Antenore, pp. 17-59.

Barnes, J. (tr). 1994. Aristotle: Posterior Analytics. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Bolton, R. & R. Smith (eds.). 1994. Logic, Dialectic, and Science in Aristotle. Ancient Philosophy 14.

Bochenski, I. M. 1957. Ancient Formal Logic. Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Co.

Church, A. 1956. Introduction to Mathematical Logic. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Copi, I. 1986. Introduction to Logic. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company.

Corcoran, J. 1974. "Aristotle’s Natural Deduction System". In: J. Corcoran (ed.). Ancient Logic and Its Modern Interpretations. Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Company, pp. 85-132.

Corcoran, J. 1993. "Editor’s introduction". In: M. R. Cohen & E. Nagel. An Introduction to Logic. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Co., pp xvii-xlvi.

Corcoran, J. 1994. "The Founding of Logic". In: Bolton, R. & R. Smith. 1994, pp. 9-24.

Lear, J. 1980. Aristotle and Logical Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Lukasiewicz, J. 1958. Aristotle’s Syllogistic from the Standpoint of Modern Formal Logic. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Miller, J. W. 1938. The Structure of Aristotelian Logic. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., Ltd.

Patzig, G. 1968. Aristotle’s Theory of the Syllogism: A Logico-Philological Study of Book A of the Prior Analytics. Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Company.

Quine, W. v. O. 1970. Philosophy of Logic. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, Inc.

Quine, W. v. O. 1982. Methods of Logic. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Rose, L. 1968. Aristotle’s Syllogistic. Springfield: Charles C. Thomas.

Ross, W. D. 1949. Aristotle’s Prior and Posterior Analytics. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Smiley, T. 1973. "What is a Syllogism?". Journal of Philosophical Logic 2:1, pp. 136-154.

Smith, R. 1984. "Aristotle as Proof Theorist". Philosophia Naturalis 21: 2-4, pp. 590-597.

Smith, R. 1989. Aristotle: Prior Analytics. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Co.








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اخلا‌ق و فناوري اطلا‌عات
جام جم آنلاين: اينكه فناوري اطلاعات در حال تغيير دادن جنبه‌هاي بسياري از فعاليت و حيات انسان است شكي نيست. آنچه محل بحث است پيامدهاي اجتماعي و اخلاقي اين تغييرات است. سرچشمه اين منازعات روش‌هاي متعدد تفسير و مفهوم‌سازي رابطه متقابل جامعه - فناوري اطلاعات است.

هر كدام از اين راه‌هاي تفسير و مفهوم‌سازي به فرد امكان مي‌دهد رابطه متقابل جامعه - فناوري اطلاعات را متفاوت [از ديگران] ببيند بنابراين پيامدهاي اجتماعي و اخلاقي را در يك روش متفاوت تعبير كند. اين مقاله (مدخل) با رويكرد پديدارشناسانه به تفسير فناوري اطلاعات و پيامدهاي اجتماعي و اخلاقي آن مرتبط است.

به هر حال، به منظور فهم رويكرد پديدارشناسانه به برخي ديگر از راه‌هاي ممكن تفسير اين ارتباط متقابل [بين جامعه و فناوري اطلاعات] به طور خلاصه پرداخته خواهد شد.
فناوري اطلاعات همه جا حضور دارد و تمام جنبه‌هاي زندگي انسان را فراگرفته است. بسياري از فناوري‌هاي امروزي مانند آسانسورها، خودروها، مايكروويوها و چيزهايي از اين دست براي عمل مداومشان نيازمند ريزپردازنده‌ها هستند. بسياري از سازمان‌ها و موسسات تا حد بسيار زيادي به زيربناي فناوري اطلاعاتشان وابسته هستند.

در حقيقت بسياري فناوري اطلاعات را به عنوان يك راه مقرون به صرفه براي حل انبوه مشكلاتي مي‌دانند كه جامعه پيچيده معاصر ما با آنها روبه‌روست. ممكن است گفته شود فناوري اطلاعات به عنوان فناوري غايب براي حل تمام مشكلات اجتماعي و فناورانه نظير بهداشت، امنيت، حكومت و غيره تفسير شده است. همچنين كسي ممكن است استدلال كند اين با چشم‌انداز پيشرفت و نوسازي اجتماع مساوي است.

براي بسياري واضح به نظر مي‌رسد كه فناوري اطلاعات اين مساله را براي انسان ممكن كرده است كه سيستم‌هاي همكاري و نظم اجتماعي پيچيده رو به گسترشي را بنا كنند، سيستم‌هايي كه بدون آنها جامعه معاصر نمي‌تواند در شكل امروزين خود وجود داشته باشد.

مزاياي اقتصادي و سازماني فناوري اطلاعات چندان مورد ترديد نيست. ترديد عموما درباره راهي است كه فناوري اطلاعات حوزه اجتماعي و بخصوص قلمرو اخلاقي آن را تغيير مي‌دهد يا دگرگون مي‌كند. اين ترديد بيشتر در مورد روش‌هاي متفاوت مفهوم‌سازي و تفسير ماهيت فناوري اطلاعات و روابط متقابل اجتماعي است.

1 ــ ديدگاه‌ها درباره ماهيت فناوري اطلاعات : به نظر بديهي مي‌رسد جهاني با فناوري اطلاعات به نحوي با جهاني بدون آن متفاوت است، اما تفاوت در كجاست؟ آيا اين تفاوتي در سامان است (سريع‌تر، نزديك‌تر، واضح‌تر و...) يا تفاوتي در نوع؟ ما چگونه مي‌توانيم به اين پرسش‌ها پاسخ دهيم؟ آيا فناوري جامعه را شكل مي‌دهد يا جامعه فناوري را يا هر كدام ديگري را؟ ماهيت اين شكل‌دهي چيست؟ آيا اين شكل‌دهي در اعمال است، در طرز فكر است يا چيزي اساسي‌تر؟ مسلما پاسخ‌ها به اين پرسش‌ها قضاوت ما را درباره پيامدهاي اجتماعي و اخلاقي فناوري اطلاعات، وقتي سياست‌ها و دغدغه‌هاي عملي استفاده از فناوري اطلاعات در حوزه‌اي خاص (نظير تجارت، آموزش يا دولت) را بررسي مي‌كنيم، تحت تاثير قرار مي‌دهد.

پاسخ به اين پرسش‌ها همچنين تا حد زيادي آشكار يا نهان، مبتني است بر هستي‌شناسي يك فرد خاص از فناوري اطلاعات في‌نفسه. ماهيت فناوري اطلاعات شبيه چيست؟ مسلما مواضع هستي‌شناختي متفاوتي امكان دارد و به وجود آمده است. با وجود اين ممكن است براي هدف اين مقاله مفيد باشد كه دست‌كم 3 ديدگاه رايج و متفاوت بررسي شود.

1 ــ 1 ــ فناوري اطلاعات به مثابه يك مصنوع يا ابزار: عمومي‌ترين ديدگاه درباره فناوري اطلاعات، آن را به عنوان يك مصنوع [ساخته دست بشر] يا ابزار مي‌نگرد كه بسادگي در اختيار انسان‌هاست تا به اهداف و نتايج خود برسند. بعضي از اين ابزارها ممكن است مفيد باشند و بعضي نه.

وقتي كاربران يك ابزار يا مصنوع (پردازشگر لغت، تلفن همراه و...) را استفاده مي‌كنند، احتمال دارد [آن ابزار] اثري بر نحوه انجام كار داشته باشد. براي مثال وقتي من با پردازشگر لغت مي‌نويسم، احتمال دارد شيوه نوشتن متفاوتي نسبت به زماني كه از خودكار و كاغذ استفاده مي‌كنم، داشته باشم.

براساس اين ديدگاه ما بايد اثر فناوري اطلاعات بر جامعه را وقتي در فعاليت‌هاي روزمره به كار مي‌رود، بشناسيم. براي مثال ارتباط به وسيله تلفن همراه چگونه روابط متقابل اجتماعي و ارتباطات اجتماعي ما را تغيير مي‌دهد؟ عموما فرض مي‌شود آن فناوري خاص ـ‌ در اين مورد تلفن‌هاي همراه ــ در يك روال كم و بيش يكسان در زمينه‌هاي اجتماعي مختلف عمل مي‌كند.

به عبارت ديگر، اين گونه فرض مي‌شود كه يك فناوري خاص اثرات حتمي مشخصي بر يا در زمينه استفاده خود دارد. اين گونه مفهوم‌سازي فناوري اطلاعات منجر به طرح پرسش‌هايي نظير اثرات اينترنت بر آموزش چيست؟ مي‌شود.

1 ــ 2 ــ فناوري اطلاعات به عنوان ساخت اجتماعي مصنوعات و بازيگران: بسياري از محققان استدلال مي‌كنند ديدگاه تاثير (Impact view) در مورد فناوري اطلاعات، توجيهي كافي از ارتباط بين فناوري اطلاعات و جامعه ارائه نمي‌كند (پينچ و هاگز 1987، بيجكر 1995، لو 1991 و لاتور 1991.) اولا [در اين ديدگاه] اين مساله به حساب آورده نمي‌شود كه فناوري بسادگي به وجود نيامده، بلكه پيامد پيشرفت در وضعيت خاص و پيچيده اجتماعي و فرآيند طراحي است.

در اين فرآيند، پيشرفت و طراحي از بسياري انتخاب‌هاي جايگزين به نفع فناوري‌اي كه هم‌اكنون موجود است ــ مسلما با پيامدهاي مهمي ــ صرف‌نظر شد.

به عبارت ديگر نيروهاي فرهنگي، سياسي و اقتصادي فراواني وجود دارند كه انتخاب‌هاي خاص پيشنهاد شده را مانند راه‌هايي كه انتخاب‌هاي برگزيده طراحي و اجرا مي‌شوند شكل مي‌دهد. (بيجكر، پينچ و هاگز 1987) نه تنها فناوري بر جامعه تاثير مي‌گذارد، بلكه فناوري في‌نفسه نتيجه فراگرد پيچيده و ظريف اجتماعي است. به عبارت ديگر فناوري به صورت اجتماعي ساخته شده است.

1 ــ 3 ــ فناوري اطلاعات به عنوان افق مداوم معنا و عمل: از نظر يك پديدارشناس، ديدگاه تاثير نيز مانند ديدگاه ساختمانگرا (Constructivist) به رابطه فناوري ــ جامعه، معتبر اما ناكافي است (هايدگر 1977، برگمن 1985، وينوگراد و فلورز 1987، آيد 1990 و درايفوس 1992، 2001.) به نظر پديدارشناس جامعه و فناوري به طور مشترك يكديگر را ايجاد مي‌كنند. آنها شرايط يا امكان مداوم براي بودن آن چيزي هستند كه هستند.

براي آنها فناوري تنها يك مصنوع نيست، بلكه مصنوع از يك رويكرد پيشين فناورانه به جهان به وجود مي‌آيد. (هايدگر 1977) براي مثال ما به عنوان انسان‌هايي كه از لحاظ فناوري در موقعيت درخشاني قرار داريم تمايل داريم ارتباطات را به عنوان مشكلي تلقي كنيم كه راه‌حلي فناورانه مي‌طلبد بنابراين فناوري حاصل نگاه و تماس فناورانه ما با جهان است.

فناوري به جهان اجازه مي‌دهد خود را به روش خاصي نمايان كند. (اينترونا و ايلهاركو 2003) براي مثال شما براي من اگر تلفن همراه داشته باشيد يك فرد متفاوت خواهيد بود در برابر موقعي كه تلفن همراه نداريد. با يك تلفن همراه شما به عنوان فردي داراي قابليت ارتباط يا در تماس بودن [مداوم] نشان داده مي‌شويد.

2 ــ اخلاق و فناوري اطلاعات: 2 ــ 1 ــ تاثير فناوري اطلاعات و كاربرد نظريه اخلاقي: ‌بسياري از مباحث اخلاقي پيرامون رايانه‌ها و فناوري اطلاعات توسط ديدگاه تاثير درباره فناوري اطلاعات مطرح شده‌اند. در اين سنت، تعدادي از مباحث مهم تلقي شده است.

به عنوان مثال آيا رايانه‌ها انواع جديدي از مسائل اخلاقي به وجود مي‌آورند كه نيازمند ‌نظريه‌‌هاي جديد يا متفاوت اخلاقي است يا خير. (گورنياك 1996) اين مباحث اغلب به عنوان تاثير فناوري اطلاعات بر ارزش‌ها و حقوق بيان مي‌شود. (جانسون 1985، 1994) بنابراين ما مباحثي در تاثير سايت‌هاي اينترنتي بر حق حريم خصوصي، تاثير پخش ديجيتالي بر حق دسترسي به اطلاعات، تاثير استفاده غير مجاز از نرم‌افزارها بر حق مالكيت و نظير اينها را مطرح مي‌كنيم.

در اين مباحث جيم مور (1985) استدلال كرده است رايانه‌ها خلاء سياستگذاري را نشان مي‌دهند كه نيازمند انديشه و سياستگذاري‌هاي جديدي است. ديگران استدلال كرده‌اند كه منابعي كه توسط نظريه‌هاي اخلاقي كلاسيك نظير فايده‌باوري و نتيجه‌باوري فراهم شده است براي غلبه بر مشكلات اخلاقي ناشي از طراحي و استفاده ما از فناوري اطلاعات كافي است (گرت 1999.)

صرف‌نظر از اين كه آيا فناوري اطلاعات مشكلات جديد اخلاقي كه نياز به نظريه جديد اخلاقي داشته باشد به وجود مي‌آورد يا نظريه اخلاقي كنوني كافي است، انسان تمايل به مباحثي دارد كه بر پرسش از سياستي متمركز است كه در نظر گرفته شده است تا رفتار را نظم دهد يا درباره آن قضاوت كند.

اين سياست‌ها به عنوان راه‌هايي براي تنظيم كردن يا متعادل كردن ارزش‌ها يا حقوق متعارض در نظر گرفته يا ارائه شده‌اند. براي مثال، ما به چه نوع سياست‌هايي نيازمنديم تا فرزندان خود را وقتي مشغول كار با اينترنت هستند محافظت كنيم؟ اين سياست‌ها چگونه حق آزادي بيان را تحت تاثير قرار مي‌دهند؟ يا ما نيازمند چه نوع سياست‌هايي هستيم تا از حقوق توليدكنندگان محصولات ديجيتال حمايت كنيم؟

2 ــ 2 ــ سياست‌هاي فناوري اطلاعات و يك اخلاق آشكارگرا : ديدگاه ساختمانگرايانه رابطه فناوري اطلاعات با جامعه، تمايل به نوع متفاوتي از تامل در اهميت اخلاقي فناوري اطلاعات دارد. ساختمانگرايان اجتماعي استدلال مي‌كنند فناوري به عنوان يك ساخته اجتماعي، اكنون همچنين سياسي است، بنابراين به عنوان يك قضيه اخلاقي مطرح مي‌شود.

با اين نوع بيان فناوري شامل علائق خاص مي‌شود و ديگران در نظر گرفته نمي‌شوند. اين بدان معنا نيست كه طراحان هميشه از اين مساله آگاهند كه آنان تصميمات اخلاقي و سياسي مي‌گيرند و در واقع آنان در بيشتر موارد آگاه نيستند. آنها عموما مي‌كوشند مسائل روزمره دنيوي را حل كنند.

براي مثال، دستگاه‌هاي خودپرداز بانك يك شخص خاص را در مقابل خود فرض مي‌كند، يك شخص كه قادر است صفحه نمايش را ببيند، آن را بخواند، به ياد بياورد و رمز عبور شخصي را وارد كند. مشكلي نيست بخشي از جامعه را در نظر بگيريم كه خارج از اين فرض هستند.

يك شخص نابينا، يك معلول كه با صندلي چرخدار حركت مي‌كند، كسي كه ضعف حافظه دارد يا به خاطر معلوليت قادر به وارد كردن رمز عبور شخصي خود نيست و مي‌خواهد صورت حساب شخصي خود را بگيرد، از استفاده از دستگاه‌هاي فعلي خودپرداز محروم است.

اگر فناوري اطلاعات سياسي است ــ‌ يعني شامل يا محروم از علايق خاص است ــ بنابراين مستقيم اخلاقي است. از نظر يك ساختمانگرا اين يك راه خاص است كه در آن علايقي در فناوري و فعاليت‌ها ساخته مي‌شوند كه از طريق آن از لحاظ اخلاقي مهم تلقي مي‌شود. (بري 2000) در حقيقت نگراني مهم درباره روشي است كه فناوري اطلاعات اين ارزش‌ها و علايق را در منطق الگوريتم‌هاي نرم افزار و مدارهاي سخت افزار پنهان مي‌كند. (اينترونا و نيسنباوم، 2000.)

2 ــ 3 ــ‌ فناوري اطلاعات، اخلاق و شيوه وجود انسان: براي رويكرد پديدارشناسانه، پرسش‌هاي اخلاقي و طرز تفكري كه در بالا بيان شد، مهم است. با وجود اين بايد از مباحث بالا آشكار باشد كه رويكرد پديدارشناسانه به فناوري اطلاعات و اخلاق تمايلي به درگير كردن خود با اين مصنوع يا آن فناوري خاص ندارد؛ بلكه با رويكرد و حالتي كه لازمه اين مصنوعات يا فناوري‌هاست، مرتبط است، همچنين با روشي كه در آن فناوري‌هاي خاص، وقتي به سمت آنها كشيده مي‌شويم، ما را شكل مي‌دهند.

پديدارشناس ممكن است ادعا كند اين يك ساختار مشترك مداوم است كه اگر مي‌خواهيم تاثيرات اخلاقي و اجتماعي فناوري اطلاعات را بفهميم بايد بر آن متمركز شويم. اين مانع از اين امكان نمي‌شود كه ما بايد همچنين مراقب اثر فناوري‌هاي خاص باشيم، همان‌طور كه فناوري‌هاي خاص را بررسي مي‌كنيم تا ارزش‌ها و علايقي را كه آنها تجسم آنند، بفهميم.

به هر حال پديدارشناس بايد نشان دهد تحليل تاثير و مطالعات آشكارسازي بايد در رويكرد پديدارشناسانه گسترده‌تري قرار بگيرند تا پتانسيل تاثيرگذاري، انتقادي و هنجاري داشته باشند.
*اين مطلب ترجمه بخشي از مقاله: با رويكردهاي پديدار شناسانه به فناوري اطلاعات از دايره‌المعارف فلسفي استنفورد است.
مترجم : غلا‌مرضا رعنايي

۱۳۸۷ آذر ۴, دوشنبه


Emic/Etic Distinctions

Hello, and welcome! I'm James Lett, Professor of Anthropology & Geography at Indian River State College and Adjunct Professor of Anthropology at Florida Atlantic University.

This WebPage provides basic information about the courses I teach, and it includes a few details about my background and interests. It's intended primarily for students who are currently enrolled in my classes, as well as prospective students who'd like to learn more about the study of anthropology and geography at IRSC, but it also contains resources that might be useful for visitors interested in anthropology, geography, scientific reasoning, or skepticism.

I invite you to explore the surrounding links. The links to Classroom Courses and Online Courses include complete syllabi for each of the courses I teach. The link to Daily Schedule lists my teaching assignments and office hours for the current semester. The link to Biography features a brief sketch of my background. The link to Publications describes the highlights of my scholarly activity, and includes excerpts from some of my published works. The link to Curriculum Vita contains a current copy of my academic résumé. The link to the Department will take you to the homepage for Social Sciences at IRSC, and the link to Honors will take you to the homepage for the College's Honors Program.










James Lett



The neologisms “emic” and “etic,” which were derived from an analogy with the terms “phonemic” and “phonetic,” were coined by the linguistic anthropologist Kenneth Pike (1954). He suggests that there are two perspectives that can be employed in the study of a society’s cultural system, just as there are two perspectives that can be used in the study of a language’s sound system. In both cases, it is possible to take the point of view of either the insider or the outsider.

As Pike defines it, the emic perspective focuses on the intrinsic cultural distinctions that are meaningful to the members of a given society (e.g., whether the natural world is distinguished from the supernatural realm in the worldview of the culture) in the same way that phonemic analysis focuses on the intrinsic phonological distinctions that are meaningful to speakers of a given language (e.g., whether the phones /b/ and /v/ make a contrast in meaning in a minimal pair in the language). The native members of a culture are the sole judges of the validity of an emic description, just as the native speakers of a language are the sole judges of the accuracy of a phonemic identification.

The etic perspective, again according to Pike, relies upon the extrinsic concepts and categories that have meaning for scientific observers (e.g., per capita energy consumption) in the same way that phonetic analysis relies upon the extrinsic concepts and categories that are meaningful to linguistic analysts (e.g., dental fricatives). Scientists are the sole judges of the validity of an etic account, just as linguists are the sole judges of the accuracy of a phonetic transcription.

Besides Pike, the scholar most closely associated with the concepts of “emics” and “etics” is the cultural anthropologist Marvin Harris, who has made the distinction between the emic and etic perspectives an integral part of his paradigm of cultural materialism. Pike and Harris continue to disagree about the precise definition and application of emics and etics (Headland et al. 1990). The most significant area of their disagreement concerns the goal of the etic approach. For Pike, etics are a way of getting at emics; for Harris, etics are an end in themselves. From Pike’s point of view, the etic approach is useful for penetrating, discovering, and elucidating emic systems, but etic claims to knowledge have no necessary priority over competing emic claims. From Harris’s perspective, the etic approach is useful in making objective determinations of fact, and etic claims to knowledge are necessarily superior to competing emic claims. Pike believes that objective knowledge is an illusion, and that all claims to knowledge are ultimately subjective; Harris believes that objective knowledge is at least potentially obtainable, and that the pursuit of such knowledge is essential for a discipline that aspires to be a science.

As is apparent, the debate over emics and etics raises a number of fundamental ontological and epistemological issues. It is not surprising, therefore, that controversy continues to surround even the definitions of emics and etics. Although the terms are part of the working vocabulary of most cultural anthropologists, there are no standard definitions that have won universal acceptance. A survey of introductory textbooks in anthropology reveals that the terms “emic” and “etic” are glossed in highly disparate fashion. The situation is even more obscure outside anthropology, where the concepts have been widely diffused and widely reinterpreted. The terms “emic” and “etic” are current in a growing number of fields--including education, folklore, management, medicine, philology, psychiatry, psychology, public health, semiotics, and urban studies--but they are generally used in ways that have little or nothing to do with their original anthropological context.

Despite that diversity and disagreement, it is possible to suggest a precise and practical set of definitions by focusing on emics and etics as epistemological concepts. From that perspective, the terms “emic” and “etic” should be seen as adjectives modifying the implicit noun “knowledge.” Accordingly, the distinction between emics and etics has everything to do with the nature of the knowledge that is claimed and nothing to do with the source of that knowledge (i.e., the manner by which it was obtained).

Emic constructs are accounts, descriptions, and analyses expressed in terms of the conceptual schemes and categories that are regarded as meaningful and appropriate by the members of the culture under study. Am emic construct is correctly termed “emic” if and only if it is in accord with the perceptions and understandings deemed appropriate by the insider’s culture. The validation of emic knowledge thus be- comes a matter of consensus--namely, the consensus of native informants, who must agree that the construct matches the shared perceptions that are characteristic of their culture. Note that the particular research technique used in acquiring anthropological knowledge has nothing to do with the nature of that knowledge. Emic knowledge can be obtained either through elicitation or through observation, because it is sometimes possible that objective ob- servers can infer native perceptions.

Etic constructs are accounts, descriptions, and analyses expressed in terms of the conceptual schemes and categories that are regarded as meaningful and appropriate by the community of scientific observers. An etic construct is correctly termed “etic” if and only if it is in accord with the epistemological principles deemed appropriate by science (i.e., etic constructs must be precise, logical, comprehensive, replicable, falsifiable, and observer independent). The validation of etic knowledge thus becomes a matter of logical and empirical analysis--in particular, the logical analysis of whether the construct meets the standards of falsifiability, comprehensiveness, and logical consistency, and then the empirical analysis of whether or not the concept has been falsified and/or replicated. Again, the particular research technique that is used in the acquisition of anthropological knowledge has no bearing on the nature of that knowledge. Etic knowledge may be obtained at times through elicitation as well as observation, because it is entirely possible that native informants could possess scientifically valid knowledge.

Defined in that manner, the usefulness of the emic/etic distinction is evident. Answers to the most fundamental anthropological questions—including the origins of humanity, the characteristics of human nature, and the form and function of human social systems—are part of the worldview of every culture on the planet. Like all human beings, individual anthropologists have been enculturated to some particular cultural worldview, and they therefore need a means of distinguishing between the answers they derive as enculturated individuals and the answers they derive as anthropological observers. Defining “emics” and “etics” in epistemological terms provides a reliable means of making that distinction.

Finally, most cultural anthropologists agree that the goal of anthropological research must be the acquisition of both emic and etic knowledge. Emic knowledge is essential for an intuitive and empathic understanding of a culture, and it is essential for conducting effective ethnographic fieldwork. Furthermore, emic knowledge is often a valuable source of inspiration for etic hypotheses. Etic knowledge, on the other hand, is essential for cross-cultural comparison, the sine qua non of ethnology, because such comparison necessarily demands standard units and categories.

۱۳۸۷ آذر ۳, یکشنبه


Victor Turner
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For the Victoria Cross recipient, see Victor Buller Turner.
Victor Witter Turner (May 28, 1920 – December 18, 1983) was a cultural anthropologist best known for his work on symbols, rituals and rites of passage. His work, along with that of Clifford Geertz and others, is often referred to as symbolic and interpretive anthropology.
Contents
[hide]
• 1 Biography and research interests
• 2 Books
• 3 Books About Turner
• 4 External links

[edit] Biography and research interests
Born in Glasgow, Scotland, Turner initially studied poetry and classics at the University College London, but during World War II his interest in anthropology was sparked and he pursued graduate studies in anthropology at Manchester University. Turner's interest in 'social drama' has self-acknowledged roots in the precedent of Kenneth Burke and Erving Goffman.
During the period of 1950-1954, Turner studied the Ndembu tribe in central Africa with his wife Edith Turner. While observing the Ndembu, Turner became intrigued by ritual and rites of passage. He completed his PhD in 1955. Like many of the Manchester Anthropologists of his time, he also became concerned with conflict, and created the new concept of social drama in order to account for the symbolism of conflict and crisis resolution among Ndembu villagers. Turner spent his career exploring rituals. As a professor at the University of Chicago, Turner began to apply his study of rituals and rites of passage to world religions and the lives of religious heroes.
Turner gained notoriety by exploring Arnold van Gennep’s threefold structure of rites of passage and expanding theories on the liminal phase. Van Gennep's structure consisted of a pre-liminal phase (separation), a liminal phase (transition), and a post-liminal phase (reincorporation). Turner noted that in liminality, the transitional state between two phases, individuals were "betwixt and between": they did not belong to the society that they previously were a part of and they were not yet reincorporated into that society. Liminality is a limbo, an ambiguous period characterized by humility, seclusion, tests, sexual ambiguity, and communitas. Communitas is defined as an unstructured community where all members are equal.
Turner was also a committed ethnographer who constantly mused about his craft in his books and articles. Eclectic in his use of ideas borrowed from other theorists, he was rigorous in demanding that the ideas he developed illuminate ethnographic data; a theorist for theory's sake he was not. A powerful example of his attitudes can be found in the opening paragraph of the essay “Social Dramas and Ritual Metaphors” in Victor Turner (1974) Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society. There he writes,
In moving from experience of social life to conceptualization and intellectual history, I follow the path of anthropologists almost everywhere. Although we take theories into the field with us, these become relevant only if and when they illuminate social reality. Moreover, we tend to find very frequently that it is not a theorist’s whole system which so illuminates, but his scattered ideas, his flashes of insight taken out of systemic context and applied to scattered data. Such ideas have a virtue of their own and may generate new hypotheses. They even show how scattered facts may be systematically connected! Randomly distributed through some monstrous logical system, they resemble nourishing raisins in a cellular mass of inedible dough. The intuitions, not the tissue of logic connecting them, are what tend to survive in the field experience.
Turner's work on ritual has stood as one of the most influential theories in anthropology during the twentieth century; but recently this "Turnerian Paradigm" has been challenged. With reference to his concept of communitas, John Eade and Michael J. Sallnow's (1991) work Contesting the Sacred directly opposes it (briefly, as idealised); and more recently a compilation of essays on pilgrimage edited by John Eade & Simon Coleman, Reframing Pilgrimage: Cultures in Motion (2004) have suggested that the work has rendered pilgrimage neglected as an area of anthropological study, due to Turner's assertion that pilgrimage was, by its liminal nature, extraordinary and not part of daily life (and therefore not a part of the make up of everyday society).
Performance Studies scholar Richard Schechner drew from Turner's theories on social drama and liminality, and the two worked collaboratively until his death. Turner's work has resurfaced in recent years (90's - 00's) among a variety of disciplines, proving to be an important part of the social sciences.
Edith Turner, Victor Turner's wife, has also both built upon and developed innovative ideas that complement notions of liminality, communitas, and the ritual process. She is currently a lecturer at the University of Virginia and the editor of the journal Anthropology and Humanism.
[edit] Books
• The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual (1967), Cornell University Press 1970 paperback: ISBN 0-8014-9101-0
• Schism and Continuity in an African Society (1968), Manchester University Press
• The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (1969), Aldine Transaction 1995 paperback: ISBN 0-202-01190-9
• Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society (1974), Cornell University Press 1975 paperback: ISBN 0-8014-9151-7
• Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture (1978), Edith L. B. Turner (coauthor), Columbia University Press 1995 paperback: ISBN 0-231-04287-6
• From Ritual to Theatre: The Human Seriousness of Play (1982), PAJ Publications paperback: ISBN 0-933826-17-6
• Liminality, Kabbalah, and the Media (1985), Academic Press
• The Anthropology of Performance (1986), PAJ Publications paperback: ISBN 1-55554-001-5
• The Anthropology of Experience (1986), University of Illinois Press 2001 paperback: ISBN 0-252-01249-6
[edit] Books About Turner
Graham St John (ed.) 2008. Victor Turner and Contemporary Cultural Performance. New York: Berghahn. ISBN 1845454626.
[edit] External links
• Victor W. Turner by Meranda Turbak
• Victor Turner by Beth Barrie
• Ritual, Anti-structure, and Religion: A Discussion of Victor Turner's Processural Symbolic Analysis
• Communitas and classical Greek ritual theatre on www.mysticism.nl
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Victor_Turner"
Categories: 1920 births | 1983 deaths | Alumni of University College London | Alumni of the University of Manchester | Anthropologists of religion | Ethnographers | People from Glasgow | Social anthropologists

BIOGRAPHIES: VICTOR TURNER

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Victor Turner

By Beth Barrie * Posted May 1998

Life History

Antecedents

Important Contributions

Influence of Ideas

Conclusions

Figure 1 (Citations)

References

There is a school of thought that suggests that individuals can shape disciplines. An analysis of the ideas and influences of an individual may prove helpful in testing such a hypothesis. This paper examines the life and works of Victor Witter Turner (1920-1983) in an attempt to understand the role he played in shaping the discipline of anthropology. The paper is organized as follows: life history, antecedents, important contributions, influence of ideas, and conclusions.

Life History

Born in Glasgow on May 28, 1920 Victor Turner entered life in a firmly middle-class setting with an electronics engineer for a father and an actress for a mother. The influence of his mother can be seen in his lifelong interest in performance and drama. At age eighteen he enrolled at the University College, London to study poetry and classics. World War II and conscription as a noncombatant interrupted his studies for five years. During that time he married, had two children and lived in a gypsy caravan near the Army base at Rugby (Manning, 1990). He also developed an interest in anthropology during this time so that when he returned to University College, he studied under some of the leading social anthropologists of the time (see below for more discussion of Turner's mentors).

After receiving a B.A. Honours degree in Anthropology at age 29, Turner left London for graduate study at the University of Manchester in the Department of Anthropology just begun by Max Gluckman. In association with the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute (which was directed by Gluckman) Turner conducted fieldwork among the Ndembu of Zambia (then Northern Rhodesia). He began by examining the demographics and economics of the tribe but then shifted to ritual, a topic he would focus on for the rest of his career.



He completed his Ph.D. in June 1955 and stayed on at Manchester for several years as a Senior Fellow and Senior Lecturer (McLaren, 1985). During this time he published two monographs and his dissertation, Schism and Continuity in an African Society: A Study of Ndembu Village Life (1957). Schism is a detailed analysis of Ndembu social organization. "The pervasive theme of the book is conflict and the resolution of conflict" (Barnard, 1985:212). His work in Ndembu and in Schism established him as a leading figure in the Manchester School of anthropology.

Turner's American career began in 1961 when he traveled to California to accept an appointment as a Fellow of the Center for Advanced Behavioral Sciences at Stanford University. While at Stanford he wrote The Drums of Affliction: A Study of Religious Processes among the Ndembu (1968). "Although Turner returned to the University of Manchester a year later, he remained deeply attracted to the free-wheeling, multi-disciplinary atmosphere of American academic life" (Barnard, 1985:208). This attraction led him to accept an appointment at Cornell University in 1964 where he completed three books and conducted fieldwork among the Gisu of Uganda.

Turner moved to the University of Chicago in 1968 to take a position as Professor of Anthropology and Social Thought. He joined the Committee on Social Thought that included novelist Saul Bellow, philosopher Hannah Arendt and art critic Harold Rosenberg (Barnard 1985). While at Chicago Turner's interests shifted from "tribal to world religions, and more generally, from small-scale to mass societies" (Manning, 1990:171). He began a long-term study of contemporary Christian pilgrimage during his ten-year stay at Chicago.



Turner's final academic position was as the William R. Kenan Professor of Anthropology and Religion at the University of Virginia where he also had membership in the Center for Advanced Studies and the South Asia Program. At Virginia he became increasingly interested in performative play and experimental theater as a modern form of liminality.

Having traced Turner's life history it is necessary to go back and determine the mentors that influenced him.

Antecedents

During his undergraduate career Turner worked with the leading structural-functionalists in the British social anthropology tradition: A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, Darryl Forde, Meyer Fortes, Raymond Firth and Edmund Leach. The influences of these mentors are apparent in the work he published from his first fieldwork assignment. "Turner's earliest ethnography, Schism and Continuity in an African Society (1957) was functionalist in the reigning mode of British social anthropology" (Ashley, 1990:xv). Although the concept of social drama, which Turner developed in Schism, was obviously functionalist, he broke new ground in his emphasis on social processes or systems in change rather than developing a static model. "The 'processual form' of social dramas through stages of breach/crisis/redress/reintegration or schism emphasized diachrony, not static equilibrium" (Ashley, 1990:xvi).



Turner studied with Max Gluckman during his graduate education. Gluckman introduced him to conflict theory and political anthropology. Gluckman's influence can be directly observed in the textbook Turner helped edit. His contribution to Political Anthropology (1966) was the essay "Ritual Aspects of Conflict Control in African Micropolitics." Turner's political anthropology, and more importantly his defining work in ritual, was heavily influenced by Gluckman's "Manchester School." His emphasis on ritual as a means for social transformation has a clear connection to Gluckman's emphasis on social processes.

In Gluckman’s (1965) description of the methods of the members of the Manchester School, premonitions of Turner's emphasis on ritual as a cultural agent are apparent:

[Anthropologists in the Manchester school] are analyzing the development of social relations themselves, under the conflicting pressures of discrepant principles and values, as the generations change and new persons come to maturity. If we view these relations through a longish period of time, we see how various parties and supporters operate and manipulate mystical beliefs of various kinds to serve their interests. The beliefs are seen in dynamic process with day-to-day social life, and the creation and burgeoning of new groups and relationships (1965:235).

Under Gluckman's tutelage Turner moved further away from the static notion of structural-functionalism and focused more and more on ritual as a social process.



Turner was not only influenced by his university mentors. He shared the Emile Durkheim’s view that social order depends on rituals and ceremonial performances and he followed Edward Sapir's lead in asserting that culture is a "changing entity, influenced by 'root paradigms,' that is, by axiomatic frames, or deep myths, that propel and transform people and groups at critical moments" (Ray, 1987:95). Turner agreed with Freud that studying disturbances in patterns offers better insight than does observing normal conditions. He found Kurt Lewin's notion of "social fields" useful in his processual models as was Alfred Schutz' phenomenological sociology which suggested that culture was a constantly negotiated set of meanings.

Wilhelm Dilthey's emphasis on experience over thoughts had a strong influence on the development of Turner's anthropology of experience. Turner (1985) acknowledged this debt as he developed his processual anthropology:

Enough Dilthey has leaked into English, and he has been well enough interpreted, to enable me to make a plausible case with its aid for an "anthropology of experience" in the Diltheyan sense, modified somewhat by recent anthropological research in cultural performance and symbolic action (p. 211).

A final influence on Turner was van Gennep's work, Rites of Passage (1960, original 1909). Van Gennep, a folklorist, theorized that rites of passage have three principle stages: rites of separation, margin or limen (i.e., threshold), and reaggregation. Turner explains the influence van Gennep's ideas had on him:

[Turner], stimulated during his fieldwork by Henri Junod's use of van Gennep's interpretive apparatus for understanding Thonga ritual (Junod 1962 [1912-13]), came to see that the liminal stage was of crucial importance with regard to this process of regenerative renewal (Turner, 1985:159).

Influential individuals and ideas shaped Victor Turner's contributions to the discipline of anthropology. To understand the role Turner played in shaping the field of anthropology, a review of his most important contributions is required.



Important Contributions

In his dissertation, published as Schism and Continuity in African Society (1957), he introduced the concept of social dramas, which he elaborated on in later works. Social dramas exist as a result of the conflict that is inherent in societies. Social dramas are the "public episodes of tensional irruption" (1974:33). He also refers to them as "units of aharmonic or disharmonic process, arising in conflict situations" (1974:37).

Based on his fieldwork among the Ndembu, Turner (1974) asserted that social dramas have "four main phases of public action, accessible to observation" (p. 38). The phases are breach, crisis, redressive action, and reintegration. The first phase is "signalized by the public, overt breach or deliberate nonfulfillment of some crucial norm regulating the intercourse of the parties" (ibid.). Once a breach occurs "a phase of mounting crisis supervenes" in which the breach widens and extends the separation between the parties. The crisis stage has "liminal characteristics, since it is a threshold between more or less stable phases of the social process" (Turner, 1974:39).

The third phase of redressive action occurs to limit the spread of the crisis with "certain adjustive and redressive mechanisms . . . [which] are swiftly brought into operation by leading or structurally representative members of the disturbed social system" (ibid.). Turner further identifies the mechanisms of this phase:

They may range from personal advice and informal mediation or arbitration to formal juridical and legal machinery, and, to resolve certain kinds of crisis or legitimate other modes of resolution, to the performance of public ritual. (Ibid.)

Some mechanisms may not work; in which case regression to the crisis phase occurs. The redressive phase is the most liminal because it is in the middle of the crisis and the resolution. It is in this phase that the liminal ritual may be enacted to resolve the crisis and provide an opportunity for the final phase of reintegration to occur.



The reintegration phase involves the resolution of the conflict by reintegrating the disturbed group into society or by the "social recognition and legitimization of irreparable schism between the contesting parties" (ibid.). It should be noted that this four-phase model fits into van Gennep's phases of rites of passage. Breach and crisis correspond to van Gennep's separation phase, redress aligns with the transition phase of rites of passage and reintegration represents van Gennep's incorporation phase. Turner extended van Gennep's phases to include the public conflict of social dramas. This processual view of social constancy and change was very different from the prevailing structural-functionalist anthropological view of the day.

Turner contributed methodologically to the study of ritual symbols. He introduced the term multivocality to indicate that one symbol may stand for many things. As a result of the polysemous symbols, he suggested a triarchic approach to the study of meaning in ritual symbols. The meaning of symbols must incorporate the exegetical (i.e., indigenous) meaning, the operational meaning and the positional meaning.

The exegetical meaning is obtained by "questioning indigenous informants about observed ritual behavior" (Turner, 1967:50). The operational meaning comes from observing what is done with the symbol, the structure and composition of the group that handles the symbol and the affective qualities of the handling of the symbol. The operational meaning also takes into account those groups that are excluded from interacting with the symbol. "The positional meaning of a symbol derives from its relationship to other symbols in a totality, a Gestalt, whose elements acquire their significance from the system as a whole" (Turner, 1967:51). Turner considered himself a comparative symbologist, which suggests he valued his contributions to the study of ritual symbols. It is in the closely related study of ritual processes that he had the most impact.



The most important contribution Turner made to the field of anthropology is his work on liminality and communitas. Believing the liminal stage to be of "crucial importance" in the ritual process, Turner explored the idea of liminality more seriously than other anthropologists of his day.

As noted earlier Turner elaborated on van Gennep's concept of liminality in rites of passage. Liminality is a state of being in between phases. In a rite of passage the individual in the liminal phase is neither a member of the group she previously belonged to nor is she a member of the group she will belong to upon the completion of the rite. The most obvious example is the teenager who is neither an adult nor a child. "Liminal entities are neither here nor there; they are betwixt and between the positions assigned and arrayed by law, custom, convention, and ceremonial" (Turner, 1969:95). Turner extended the liminal concept to modern societies in his study of liminoid phenomena in western society. He pointed out the similarities between the "leisure genres of art and entertainment in complex industrial societies and the rituals and myths of archaic, tribal and early agrarian cultures" (1977:43).

Closely associated to liminality is communitas, which describes a society during a liminal period that is "unstructured or rudimentarily structured [with] a relatively undifferentiated comitatus, community, or even communion of equal individuals who submit together to the general authority of the ritual elders" (Turner, 1969:96).

The notion of communitas is enhanced by Turner's concept of anti-structure. In the following passage Turner clarifies the ideas of liminality, communitas and anti-structure:

I have used the term "anti-structure,"... to describe both liminality and what I have called "communitas." I meant by it not a structural reversal... but the liberation of human capacities of cognition, affect, volition, creativity, etc., from the normative constraints incumbent upon occupying a sequence of social statuses (1982:44).



It is the potential of an anti-structured liminal person or liminal society (i.e., communitas) that makes Turner's ideas so engaging. People or societies in a liminal phase are a "kind of institutional capsule or pocket which contains the germ of future social developments, of societal change" (Turner, 1982:45).

Turner's ideas on liminality and communitas have provided scholars with language to describe the state in which societal change takes place. A review of the influence of his works will indicate the extent to which scholars have used these concepts.

Influence of Ideas

One method for determining the influence of an anthropologist is to examine anthropology textbooks to see which, if any, of his ideas are presented. In a convenience sample of textbooks Turner was mentioned only marginally. For example, in Haviland's (1991) introductory textbook Turner's books Schism (1957) and The Ritual Process (1969) were included in the bibliography but were not referenced in the chapter on ritual.

Lewis (1986) includes extensive coverage of Turner's work on Ndembu ritual symbols in a textbook focusing on social anthropology. Turner's concepts of ritual symbols, particularly the multivocal concept is also included in Lett's (1987) critical introduction to anthropology text. These brief references suggest that many of Turner's ideas are not receiving much attention in introductory textbooks.

Another approach to determining the influence of a scholar is to investigate the extent to which their works are cited in journal articles. A review of the social science citation index for 1997 revealed that Turner's works are cited in a wide variety of journals. Journals representing fields such as anthropology, sociology, political science, religion, curriculum development, geography, communications, women’s studies, nursing, history, and psychology included articles citing Turner's works. Although the majority of the articles citing Turner were in anthropology journals, the range of topics was impressive.



To determine which of Turner's works were most influential a list of the top five works cited in the social science and arts and humanities citation indices was compiled (Figure 1). From this list it is clear that Turner's concepts of liminality and communitas as presented in The Ritual Process (1969) are useful for scholars. His concepts of multivocal symbols and social dramas as presented in Forest of Symbols (1967) and Dramas, Fields and Metaphors (1974) have also been cited.

Conclusions

This review of Turner's work has shown that the ideas of one anthropologist can be far-reaching. The insight that Turner added to van Gennep's concept of the liminal phase in rites of passage has been cited by scholars in a wide variety of fields. Although he is not being widely presented in introductory textbooks there is evidence to suggest that scholars find his ideas useful.

Examining the influences that Turner was exposed to further illustrates the extent to which individuals can shape a discipline. Although Turner disagreed with the structural-functionalists he worked with as an undergraduate, their ideas provided him with a platform to oppose. His views of ritual as a change agent in society were made clear by juxtaposing the static interpretation of the structural-functionalists with his more dynamic process. In his graduate career the processual ideas of Max Gluckman proved very influential. Turner adapted Gluckman's ideas of processional change to the study of ritual and developed his entire career around the concepts he formulated from that synthesis.

While it will always be impossible to trace the exact impact of an individual on a field, the evidence of Victor Turner's influences suggests that the individual plays a role in the development of a discipline. Turner's influence also suggests that some individuals can influence development across disciplines as well as within disciplines.



Figure 1. Victor Turner’s Top 5 Works Cited through the Years

(Citation information obtained from computer versions of the Social Science Citation Index and the Arts and Humanities Citation Index. Multiple editions of works have been condensed into one reference to emphasize the influence of his ideas. The citations for 1986-1990 and 1981-1985 are taken only from the Social Science Citation Index because of a discrepancy in the way in which the Arts and Humanities Citation Index catalogs information. This is the reason for the decrease in citations. It does not indicate a decrease in the number of times Turner is referenced.)

How to read the information: Name of Work (year) #citations


1997 (229 total citations) Citations
Ritual Process (1969)78
Forests of Symbols (1967)45
Drama, Fields, Metaphors (1974)38
Ritual to Theater (1982)14
Schism (1957)11

1996 (211 total citations)
Ritual Process (1969)81
Forest of Symbols (1967)52
Dramas, Fields, Metaphors (1974)38
Ritual Theater (1982)20
Anthropology of Experience (1986)12



1991-1995 (740 total citations)
Ritual Process (1969)224
Forest of Symbols (1967)120
Dramas, Fields, Metaphors (1974)118
Anthropology of Experience (1986)59
Ritual Theater (1982)58

1986-1990 (544 total citations)
Ritual Process (1969)120
Dramas, Fields, Metaphors (1974)97
Forest of Symbols (1967)93
Anthropology of Experience (1986)30
Image, Pilgrimage, Christianity (1978)30

1981-1985 (432 total citations)
Forest of Symbols (1967)105
Ritual Process (1969)91
Dramas, Fields, Metaphors (1974)86
Image, Pilgrimage, Christianity (1978)27
Schism (1957)17



References

Barnard, H.G. (1985). Victor Witter Turner: A bibliography (1952-1975). Anthropologica, 27 (1-2), 207-233.

Gluckman, M. (1965). Politics, law and ritual in tribal society. Chicago: Aldine.

Haviland, W.A. (1991). Anthropology (6th ed). Fort Worth: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.

Lett, J. (1987). The human enterprise: A critical introduction to anthropological theory. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Lewis, L.M. (1986). Social anthropology in perspective: The relevance of social anthropology (2nd ed). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Manning, F.E. (1990). Victor Turner's career and publications. In K.M. Ashley (ed.)(1990). Victor Turner and the construction of cultural criticism: Between literature and anthropology. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press.

McLaren, P.L. (1985). A tribute to Victor Turner. Anthropologica, 27 (1-2), 17-22.

Ray, B.C. (1987). Victor Turner. In Encyclopedia of Religion. M. Eliade (ed.). New York: Macmillan.

Swartz, M.J., Turner, V.W., & Tuden, A. (eds.)(1966). Political anthropology. Chicago: Aldine.



Turner, V. (1957). Schism and continuity in an African society: A study of Ndembu village life. Manchester, England: Manchester University Press.

Turner, V. (1967). The forest of symbols: Aspects of Ndembu ritual. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Turner, V. (1968). The drums of affliction: a study of religious processes among the Ndembu of Zambia. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Turner, V. (1969). The ritual process: structure and anti-structure. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co.

Turner, V. (1974). Dramas, fields and metaphors: Symbolic action in human society. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Turner, V. (1975). Revelation and divination in Ndembu ritual. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Turner, V. (1977). Variations of the theme of liminality. In Secular ritual. Ed. S. Moore & B. Myerhoff. Assen: Van Gorcum, 36-52.

Turner, V. (1978). Image and pilgrimage in Christian culture: Anthropological perspectives. New York: Columbia University Press.

Turner, V. (1982). From ritual to theater: The human seriousness of play. New York: PAJ Publications.

Turner, V. (1985). On the edge of the bush: Anthropology as experience. Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press.

Van Gennep, A. (1960). The rites of passage. London: Routledge.

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