Greek fire
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This article is about the weapon. For wildfires
etc., see Greek fires.
For the band, see Greek Fire (band).
Στόλος
Ρωμαίων πυρπολῶν τὸν τῶν ἐναντίων στόλον, "The Roman fleet burn the
opposite fleet down" – A Eastern Roman Empire / Byzantine war ship using their
"secret weapon" Greek Fire against a ship belonging to the
rebel Thomas the Slav,
AD 821. (12th century illustration from the "Madrid Skylitzes").
Greek
fire was an incendiary chemical weapon manufactured in and used
by the Eastern Roman Empire from
the seventh through the fourteenth centuries. The recipe for Greek fire was a
closely-guarded state secret,
but historians speculate it may have been made by combining pine
resin, naphtha, quicklime, calcium phosphide, sulfur, or niter.
Roman sailors would toss grenades loaded with
Greek fire onto enemy ships or spray it from tubes. Its ability to burn on
water made it an effective and destructive naval incendiary weapon, and rival
powers tried unsuccessfully to copy the material.
Name[edit]
Usage
of the term "Greek fire" has been general in English and most other
languages since the Crusades, but original Byzantine sources called the
substance a variety of names, such as "sea fire" (Medieval Greek: πῦρ θαλάσσιον pŷr
thalássion), "Roman fire" (πῦρ ῥωμαϊκόν pŷr rhōmaïkón),
"war fire" (πολεμικὸν πῦρ polemikòn pŷr), "liquid
fire" (ὑγρὸν πῦρ hygròn pŷr), "sticky fire" (πῦρ
κολλητικόν pŷr kollētikón), or "manufactured fire" (πῦρ
σκευαστόν pŷr skeuastón).[1][2]
History[edit]
Further information: Early thermal weapons and Byzantine navy
Incendiary
and flaming weapons were used in warfare for centuries before Greek fire was
invented. They included a number of sulfur-, petroleum-, and bitumen-based mixtures.[3][4] Incendiary
arrows and pots or small pouches containing combustible substances surrounded
by caltrops or spikes, or launched by catapults, were used as early as the 9th
century BC by the Assyrians and
were extensively used in the Greco-Roman world as well. Furthermore, Thucydides mentions that in the siege of Delium in 424 BC a
long tube on wheels was used which blew flames forward using a large bellows.[5][6][7] The
Graeco-Roman treatise Kestoi, compiled in the late 2nd or early 3rd
century AD and traditionally (but not conclusively) ascribed to Julius Africanus,
records a mixture that ignited from adequate heat and intense sunlight, used in
grenades or night attacks:
Automatic
fire also by the following formula. This is the recipe: take equal amounts of
sulphur, rock salt, ashes, thunder stone, and pyrite and pound fine in a black
mortar at midday sun. Also in equal amounts of each ingredient mix together
black mulberry resin and Zakynthian asphalt, the latter
in a liquid form and free-flowing, resulting in a product that is sooty
colored. Then add to the asphalt the tiniest amount of quicklime. But because
the sun is at its zenith, one must pound it carefully and protect the face, for
it will ignite suddenly. When it catches fire, one should seal it in some sort
of copper receptacle; in this way you will have it available in a box, without
exposing it to the sun. If you should wish to ignite enemy armaments, you will
smear it on in the evening, either on the armaments or some other object, but
in secret; when the sun comes up, everything will be burnt up.[8]
In
naval warfare, the Byzantine emperor Anastasius I (r. 491–518)
is recorded by chronicler John Malalas to have been advised by a philosopher
from Athens called Proclus to use sulfur to
burn the ships of the rebel general Vitalian.[9]
Greek
fire proper, however, was developed in c. 672 and is ascribed by the
chronicler Theophanes the
Confessor to Kallinikos (Latinized
Callinicus), an architect from Heliopolis in
the former province of Phoenice,
by then overrun by the Muslim conquests:[10]
At
that time Kallinikos, an artificer from Heliopolis, fled to the Romans. He had
devised a sea fire which ignited the Arab ships and burned them with all hands.
Thus it was that the Romans returned with victory and discovered the sea fire.[11]
The
accuracy and exact chronology of this account is open to question: elsewhere,
Theophanes reports the use of fire-carrying ships equipped with nozzles (siphōn)[12] by
the Byzantines a couple of years before the supposed arrival of Kallinikos at
Constantinople.[13] If
this is not due to chronological confusion of the events of the siege, it may
suggest that Kallinikos merely introduced an improved version of an established
weapon.[14][15] The
historian James Partington further
thinks it likely that Greek fire was not in fact the creation of any single
person but "invented by chemists in Constantinople who had inherited the
discoveries of the Alexandrian chemical
school."[16] Indeed,
the 11th-century chronicler George Kedrenos records that Kallinikos
came from Heliopolis in
Egypt, but most scholars reject this as an error.[17] Kedrenos
also records the story, considered rather implausible by modern scholars, that
Kallinikos' descendants, a family called Lampros,
"brilliant," kept the secret of the fire's manufacture and continued
doing so to Kedrenos' time.[15]
Kallinikos'
development of Greek fire came at a critical moment in the Byzantine Empire's
history: weakened by its long wars with Sassanid Persia, the Byzantines had been
unable to effectively resist the onslaught of the Muslim conquests.
Within a generation, Syria, Palestine, and Egypt had fallen to the Arabs, who
in c. 672 set out to conquer the imperial capital of Constantinople. Greek fire was used to great
effect against the Muslim fleets, helping to repel the Muslims at the first and second Arab
sieges of the city.[18] Records
of its use in later naval battles against the Saracens are more sporadic, but it did
secure a number of victories, especially in the phase of Byzantine expansion in
the late 9th and early 10th centuries.[19] Utilisation
of the substance was prominent in Byzantine civil wars, chiefly the revolt of
the thematic fleets in 727 and the large-scale rebellion led by Thomas the Slav in 821–823. In both
cases, the rebel fleets were defeated by the Constantinople-based central
Imperial Fleet through the use of Greek fire.[20] The
Byzantines also used the weapon to devastating effect against the various Rus' raids on the Bosporus, especially those of 941 and 1043,
as well as during the Bulgarian war
of 970–971, when the fire-carrying Byzantine ships blockaded the
Danube.[21]
The
importance placed on Greek fire during the Empire's struggle against the Arabs
would lead to its discovery being ascribed to divine intervention. The
Emperor Constantine
Porphyrogennetos (r. 945–959), in his book De Administrando
Imperio, admonishes his son and heir, Romanos II (r. 959–963), to never reveal
the secrets of its composition, as it was "shown and revealed by an angel
to the great and holy first Christian emperor Constantine" and that the angel bound him
"not to prepare this fire but for Christians, and only in the imperial
city." As a warning, he adds that one official, who was bribed into
handing some of it over to the Empire's enemies, was struck down by a
"flame from heaven" as he was about to enter a church.[22][23] As
the latter incident demonstrates, the Byzantines could not avoid capture of
their precious secret weapon: the Arabs captured at least one fireship intact
in 827, and the Bulgars captured several siphōns and much of the
substance itself in 812/814. This, however, was apparently not enough to allow
their enemies to copy it (see below). The Arabs, for instance, employed a
variety of incendiary substances similar to the Byzantine weapon, but they were
never able to copy the Byzantine method of deployment by siphōn,
and used catapults and grenades instead.[24][25]
Greek
fire continued to be mentioned during the 12th century, and Anna Komnene gives a vivid description of
its use in a naval battle against the Pisans in
1099.[26] However,
although the use of hastily improvised fireships is mentioned during the 1203 siege of
Constantinople by the Fourth Crusade, no report confirms the use of
the actual Greek fire. This might be because of the general disarmament of the
Empire in the 20 years leading up to the sacking, or because the Byzantines had
lost access to the areas where the primary ingredients were to be found, or
even perhaps because the secret had been lost over time.[27][28]
Records
of a 13th-century event in which "Greek fire" was used by the
Saracens against the Crusaders can be read through the Memoirs of the Lord of
Joinville during the Seventh Crusade. One description of the memoir
says "the tail of fire that trailed behind it was as big as a great spear;
and it made such a noise as it came, that it sounded like the thunder of
heaven. It looked like a dragon flying through the air. Such a bright light did
it cast, that one could see all over the camp as though it were day, by reason
of the great mass of fire, and the brilliance of the light that it shed."[29]
In
the 19th century, it is reported that an Armenian by the name of Kavafian
approached the government of the Ottoman Empire with a new type of Greek
fire he claimed to have developed. Kavafian refused to reveal its composition
when asked by the government, insisting that he be placed in command of its use
during naval engagements. Not long after this, he was poisoned by imperial
authorities, without their ever having found out his secret.[30]
Manufacture[edit]
General
characteristics[edit]
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As
Constantine Porphyrogennetos' warnings show, the ingredients and the processes
of manufacture and deployment of Greek fire were carefully guarded military
secrets. So strict was the secrecy that the composition of Greek fire was lost
forever and remains a source of speculation.[31] Consequently,
the "mystery" of the formula has long dominated the research into
Greek fire. Despite this almost exclusive focus, however, Greek fire is best
understood as a complete weapon system of many components, all of which were
needed to operate together to render it effective. This comprised not only the
formula of its composition, but also the specialized dromon ships that carried it into battle,
the device used to prepare the substance by heating and pressurizing it,
the siphōn projecting it, and the special training of
the siphōnarioi who used it.[32] Knowledge
of the whole system was highly compartmentalised,
with operators and technicians aware of the secrets of only one component,
ensuring that no enemy could gain knowledge of it in its entirety.[33] This
accounts for the fact that when the Bulgarians took Mesembria and Debeltos in 814, they captured 36 siphōns and
even quantities of the substance itself,[34] but
were unable to make any use of them.[35][36]
The
information available on Greek fire is exclusively indirect, based on
references in the Byzantine
military manuals and a number of secondary historical sources
such as Anna Komnene and
Western European chroniclers, which are often inaccurate. In her Alexiad, Anna Komnene provides a
description of an incendiary weapon, which was used by the Byzantine garrison
of Dyrrhachium in 1108 against the Normans. It is often regarded as an at least
partial "recipe" for Greek fire:[37][38][39]
This
fire is made by the following arts: From the pine and certain such evergreen
trees, inflammable resin is collected. This is rubbed with sulfur and put into
tubes of reed, and is blown by men using it with violent and continuous breath.
Then in this manner it meets the fire on the tip and catches light and falls
like a fiery whirlwind on the faces of the enemies.
At
the same time, the reports by Western chroniclers of the famed ignis
graecus are largely unreliable, since they apply the name to any and
all sorts of incendiary substances.[31]
In
attempting to reconstruct the Greek fire system, the concrete evidence, as it
emerges from the contemporary literary references, provides the following
characteristics:
·
It
burned on water; according to some interpretations it was ignited by
water. Numerous writers testify that it could be extinguished only by a few
substances, such as sand, strong vinegar, or old urine, some presumably by a
sort of chemical reaction.[40][41][42]
·
It
was a liquid substance – not some sort of projectile – as verified both by
descriptions and the very name "liquid fire".[40][41]
·
At
sea it was usually ejected from a siphōn,[40][41] although
earthenware pots or grenades filled with it – or similar substances – were also
used.[43]
·
The
discharge of Greek fire was accompanied by "thunder" and "much
smoke".[40][41][44]
Theories
on composition[edit]
The
first and, for a long time, most popular theory regarding the composition of
Greek fire held that its chief ingredient was saltpeter, making it an early form of gunpowder.[45][46] This
argument was based on the "thunder and smoke" description, as well as
on the distance the flame could be projected from the siphōn, which suggested an explosive
discharge.[47] From
the times of Isaac Vossius,[2] several
scholars adhered to this position, most notably the so-called "French
school" during the 19th century, which included chemist Marcellin Berthelot.[48][49]
This
view has been rejected since saltpeter does not appear to have been used in
warfare in Europe or the Middle East before the 13th century, and is absent
from the accounts of the Muslim writers – the foremost
chemists of the early medieval world[50] –
before the same period.[51] In
addition, the behavior of the proposed mixture would have been radically
different from the siphōn-projected substance described by
Byzantine sources.[52]
A
second view, based on the fact that Greek fire was inextinguishable by water
(some sources suggest that water intensified the flames) suggested that its
destructive power was the result of the explosive reaction between water
and quicklime. Although quicklime was certainly
known and used by the Byzantines and the Arabs in warfare,[53] the
theory is refuted by literary and empirical evidence. A quicklime-based
substance would have to come in contact with water to ignite, while Emperor
Leo's Tactica indicates
that Greek fire was often poured directly on the decks of enemy ships,[54] although
admittedly, decks were kept wet due to lack of sealants. Likewise, Leo
describes the use of grenades,[55] which
further reinforces the view that contact with water was not necessary for the
substance's ignition.[56] Furthermore,
Zenghelis (1932) pointed out that, based on experiments, the actual result of
the water–quicklime reaction would be negligible in the open sea.[57]
Another
similar proposition suggested that Kallinikos had in fact discovered calcium phosphide, which can be made by
boiling bones in urine within a sealed vessel.[58] On
contact with water it releases phosphine, which ignites spontaneously.
However, extensive experiments with calcium phosphide also failed to reproduce
the described intensity of Greek fire.[59][60]
Consequently,
although the presence of either quicklime or saltpeter in the mixture cannot be
entirely excluded, they were not the primary ingredient.[60][47] Most
modern scholars agree that Greek fire was based on either crude or
refined petroleum, comparable to modern napalm. The Byzantines had easy access to
crude oil from the naturally occurring wells around the Black Sea (e.g., the wells around Tmutorakan noted by Constantine
Porphyrogennetos) or in various locations throughout the Middle East.[45][61][62] An
alternate name for Greek fire was "Median fire"
(μηδικὸν πῦρ),[2] and
the 6th-century historian Procopius records
that crude oil, called "naphtha" (in
Greek: νάφθα naphtha, from Old Persian 𐎴𐎳𐎫 naft)
by the Persians, was known to the Greeks as "Median oil" (μηδικὸν
ἔλαιον).[63] This
seems to corroborate the availability of naphtha as a basic ingredient of Greek
fire.[64]
Naphtha
was also used by the Abbasids in the 9th
century, with special troops, the naffāṭūn, who wore thick
protective suits and used small copper vessels containing burning oil, which
they threw onto the enemy troops.[65] There
is also a surviving 9th century Latin text,
preserved at Wolfenbüttel in
Germany, which mentions the ingredients of what appears to be Greek fire and
the operation of the siphōns used to project it. Although the text
contains some inaccuracies, it clearly identifies the main component as
naphtha.[2][66] Resins were
probably added as a thickener (the Praecepta Militaria refer
to the substance as πῦρ κολλητικόν, "sticky fire"), and to
increase the duration and intensity of the flame.[67][68] A
modern theoretical concoction included the use of pine tar and animal fat, along with other
ingredients.[69]
A
12th century treatise prepared by Mardi bin Ali
al-Tarsusi for Saladin records an Arab version of Greek
fire, called naft, which also had a petroleum base, with sulfur and various resins added. Any
direct relation with the Byzantine formula is unlikely.[70] An Italian recipe from the 16th century has
been recorded for recreational use; it includes charcoal from a willow tree,
saltpeter (sale ardente), alcohol, sulfur, incense, tar (pegola),
wool and camphor; the concoction was guaranteed to "burn under water"
and to be "beautiful".[71]
Methods of
deployment[edit]
Use
of a cheirosiphōn ("hand-siphōn"), a portable
flamethrower, used from atop a flying bridge against a castle. Illumination
from the Poliorcetica of Hero of Byzantium.
The
chief method of deployment of Greek fire, which sets it apart from similar
substances, was its projection through a tube (siphōn), for use aboard
ships or in sieges. Portable projectors (cheirosiphōnes, χειροσίφωνες)
were also invented, reputedly by Emperor Leo VI. The Byzantine
military manuals also mention that jars (chytrai or tzykalia)
filled with Greek fire and caltrops wrapped
with tow and soaked
in the substance were thrown by catapults, while pivoting cranes (gerania) were employed to
pour it upon enemy ships.[72][73] The cheirosiphōnes especially
were prescribed for use at land and in sieges, both against siege machines and against defenders on
the walls, by several 10th-century military authors, and their use is depicted
in the Poliorcetica of Hero of Byzantium.[74][75] The
Byzantine dromons usually had a siphōn installed
on their prow under
the forecastle, but additional devices could also
on occasion be placed elsewhere on the ship. Thus in 941, when the Byzantines
were facing the vastly more numerous Rus' fleet, siphōns were
placed also amidships and even astern.[76]
Projectors[edit]
The
use of tubular projectors (σίφων, siphōn) is amply attested in the
contemporary sources. Anna Komnene gives this account of beast-shaped Greek
fire projectors being mounted to the bow of warships:[77]
As
he [the Emperor Alexios I]
knew that the Pisans were skilled in sea warfare and
dreaded a battle with them, on the prow of each ship he had a head fixed of a
lion or other land-animal, made in brass or iron with the mouth open and then gilded
over, so that their mere aspect was terrifying. And the fire which was to be
directed against the enemy through tubes he made to pass through the mouths of
the beasts, so that it seemed as if the lions and the other similar monsters
were vomiting the fire.
Some
sources provide more information on the composition and function of the whole
mechanism. The Wolfenbüttel manuscript in particular provides the following
description:[66]
...having
built a furnace right at the front of the ship, they set on it a copper vessel
full of these things, having put fire underneath. And one of them, having made
a bronze tube similar to that which the rustics call a squitiatoria,
"squirt," with which boys play, they spray [it] at the enemy.
Another,
possibly first-hand, account of the use of Greek fire comes from the
11th-century Yngvars saga víðförla,
in which the Viking Ingvar the
Far-Travelled faces ships equipped with Greek fire weapons:[78]
[They]
began blowing with smiths’ bellows at a furnace in which there was fire and
there came from it a great din. There stood there also a brass [or bronze] tube
and from it flew much fire against one ship, and it burned up in a short time
so that all of it became white ashes...
The
account, albeit embellished, corresponds with many of the characteristics of
Greek fire known from other sources, such as a loud roar that accompanied its
discharge.[79] These
two texts are also the only two sources that explicitly mention that the
substance was heated over a furnace before being discharged; although the
validity of this information is open to question, modern reconstructions have
relied upon them.[80][81]
Proposed
reconstruction of the Greek fire mechanism by Haldon and Byrne
Based
on these descriptions and the Byzantine sources, John Haldon and Maurice Byrne
designed a hypothetical apparatus as consisting of three main components: a
bronze pump, which was used to pressurize the oil; a brazier, used to heat the
oil (πρόπυρον, propyron, "pre-heater"); and the nozzle,
which was covered in bronze and mounted on a swivel (στρεπτόν, strepton).[82] The
brazier, burning a match of linen or flax that produced intense heat and the
characteristic thick smoke, was used to heat oil and the other ingredients in
an airtight tank above it,[83] a
process that also helped to dissolve the resins into a fluid mixture.[67] The
substance was pressurized by the heat and the usage of a force pump. After it had
reached the proper pressure, a valve connecting the tank with the swivel was
opened and the mixture was discharged from its end, being ignited at its mouth
by some source of flame.[84] The
intense heat of the flame made necessary the presence of heat shields made of
iron (βουκόλια, boukolia), which are attested in the fleet
inventories.[85]
The
process of operating Haldon and Byrne's design was fraught with danger, as the
mounting pressure could easily make the heated oil tank explode, a flaw which
was not recorded as a problem with the historical fire weapon.[86][87] In
the experiments conducted by Haldon in 2002 for the episode
"Fireship" of the television series Machines Times Forgot,
even modern welding techniques failed to secure adequate insulation of the
bronze tank under pressure. This led to the relocation of the pressure pump
between the tank and the nozzle. The full-scale device built on this basis
established the effectiveness of the mechanism's design, even with the simple
materials and techniques available to the Byzantines. The experiment used crude
oil mixed with wood resins, and achieved a flame temperature of over
1,000 °C (1,830 °F) and an effective range of up to 15 meters
(49 ft).[88]
Hand-held
projectors[edit]
The
portable cheirosiphōn ("hand-siphōn"), the
earliest analogue to a modern flamethrower, is extensively attested in the
military documents of the 10th century, and recommended for use in both sea and
land. They first appear in the Tactica of
emperor Leo VI the Wise,
who claims to have invented them.[42] Subsequent
authors continued to refer to the cheirosiphōnes, especially for
use against siege towers,
although Nikephoros II Phokas also
advises their use in field armies, with the aim of disrupting the enemy
formation.[74] Although
both Leo VI and Nikephoros Phokas claim that the substance used in the cheirosiphōnes was
the same as in the static devices used on ships, Haldon and Byrne consider that
the former were manifestly different from their larger cousins, and theorize
that the device was fundamentally different, "a simple syringe [that]
squirted both liquid fire (presumably unignited) and noxious juices to repel
enemy troops." The illustrations of Hero's Poliorcetica show
the cheirosiphōn also throwing the ignited substance.[89][90]
Grenades[edit]
Ceramic
grenades that were filled with Greek fire, surrounded by caltrops, 10th–12th century, National
Historical Museum, Athens, Greece
In
its earliest form, Greek fire was hurled onto enemy forces by firing a burning
cloth-wrapped ball, perhaps containing a flask, using a form of light catapult, most probably a seaborne
variant of the Roman light catapult or onager.
These were capable of hurling light loads, around 6 to 9 kg (13 to
20 lb), a distance of 350–450 m (380–490 yd).
Effectiveness and
countermeasures[edit]
Although
the destructiveness of Greek fire is indisputable, it did not make the Byzantine navy invincible. It was not, in
the words of naval historian John Pryor, a "ship-killer" comparable
to the naval ram, which, by then, had fallen out of
use.[91] While
Greek fire remained a potent weapon, its limitations were significant when
compared to more traditional forms of artillery: in its siphōn-deployed
version, it had a limited range, and it could be used safely only in a calm sea
and with favourable wind conditions.[92]
The
Muslim navies eventually adapted themselves to it by staying out of its
effective range and devising methods of protection such as felt or hides soaked
in vinegar.[42]
Nevertheless,
it was still a decisive weapon in many battles. John Julius Norwich wrote:
"It is impossible to exaggerate the importance of Greek fire in Byzantine
history."[93]
In literature[edit]
|
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help improve this
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In
Paloma Recasens's historical 2021 novel Sevilla antes de la Giralda,
the Castilian army fabricates Greek Fire to use it in their crusade against the
Almohads.
In
Steve Berry's 2007 novel The Venetian Betrayal Greek Fire is
described and used as a weapon.
In William Golding's 1958 play The Brass
Butterfly, adapted from his novella Envoy
Extraordinary, the Greek inventor Phanocles demonstrates
explosives to the Roman Emperor. The Emperor decides that his empire is not
ready for this or for Phanocles's other inventions and sends him on "a
slow boat to China".
In Victor Canning's stage play Honour
Bright [94] (1960),
the crusader Godfrey of Ware returns with a casket of Greek Fire given to him
by an old man in Athens.
In Rick Riordan's Greek storyline, Greek Fire is
described as being a volatile green liquid. When it explodes, all of the
substance is spread out over an area and burns continuously. It is very strong
and dangerous.[95]
In C. J. Sansom's historical mystery novel Dark Fire, Thomas Cromwell sends the lawyer Matthew Shardlake to recover the secret
of Greek fire, following its discovery in the library of a dissolved London
monastery.[96]
In Michael Crichton's sci-fi novel Timeline, Professor Edward Johnston is
stuck in the past in 14th century Europe, and claims to have knowledge of Greek
fire.[97]
In Mika Waltari's novel The Dark
Angel, some old men who are the last ones who know the secret of
Greek fire are mentioned as present in the last Christian services held
in Hagia Sophia before
the Fall of
Constantinople. The narrator is told that in the event of the city's
fall, they will be killed so as to keep the secret from the Turks.
In George R. R. Martin's
fantasy series of novels A Song of Ice and
Fire, and its television adaptation Game of Thrones, wildfire is similar to
Greek fire. It was used in naval battles as it could remain lit on water, and
its recipe was closely guarded.[98]
In Leland Purvis's graphic novel Vox:
collected works, 1999–2003, there is a passage detailing Callinicus and
Greek Fire.
See also[edit]
·
List of
Byzantine inventions
References[edit]
Citations[edit]
1.
^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 608–609.
2.
^ Jump up to:a b c d Forbes 1959, p. 83.
3.
^ Leicester 1971, p. 75.
4.
^ Crosby 2002, pp. 88–89.
5.
^ Partington 1999, pp. 1–5.
6.
^ Forbes 1959, pp. 70–74.
7.
^ Thuc.
4.100.1
8.
^ Julius
Africanus, The Cestus, D25, 116–117.
9.
^ Partington 1999, p. 5.
10. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 607–609.
11. ^ Theophanes & Turtledove 1982, p. 53.
12. ^ Chronographia. Corpus scriptorum historiae
Byzantinae (in Italian). Impensis E. Weberi. 1839. p. 610. Retrieved 2022-02-18.
13. ^ Theophanes & Turtledove 1982, p. 52.
14. ^ Roland 1992, p. 657.
15. ^ Jump up to:a b Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, p. 608.
16. ^ Partington 1999, pp. 12–13.
17. ^ Forbes 1959, p. 80.
18. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 26–27,
31–32.
19. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 61–62, 72.
20. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 32, 46,
73.
21. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 86, 189.
22. ^ Moravcsik & Jenkins 1967, pp. 68–71.
23. ^ Forbes 1959, p. 82.
24. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 609–611.
25. ^ Roland 1992, pp. 660, 663–664.
26. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, p. 110.
27. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 630–631.
28. ^ Haldon 2006, p. 316.
29. ^ Alchin,
Linda. "Greek Fire". The Middle Ages
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30. ^ (in
Armenian) Adjarian, Hrachia.
"Հայոց
դերը
Օսմանյան
կայսրության
մեջ,"
[The role of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire] Banber Erevani
Hamalsarani 1967; trans. in Charles Issawi, The Economic
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p. 64.
31. ^ Jump up to:a b Haldon 2006, p. 290.
32. ^ Roland 1992, pp. 660, 663.
33. ^ Roland 1992, pp. 663–664.
34. ^ Theophanes & Turtledove 1982, p. 178.
35. ^ Roland 1992, p. 663.
36. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, p. 609.
37. ^ Partington 1999, pp. 19, 29.
38. ^ Ellis Davidson 1973, p. 64.
39. ^ Scott,
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40. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Roland 1992, pp. 657–658.
41. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Cheronis 1937, pp. 362–363.
42. ^ Jump up to:a b c Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, p. 617.
43. ^ Partington 1999, p. 14.
44. ^ Leo
VI, Tactica,
XIX.59, transl. in Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, p. 507
45. ^ Jump up to:a b Haldon & Byrne 1977, p. 92.
46. ^ Ellis Davidson 1973, pp. 69–70.
47. ^ Jump up to:a b Roland 1992, p. 659.
48. ^ Roland 1992, pp. 658–659.
49. ^ Ellis Davidson 1973, p. 69.
50. ^ al-Hassan 2001, pp. 41–83.
51. ^ Partington 1999, pp. 21–22.
52. ^ Forbes 1959, pp. 83–84.
53. ^ Partington 1999, pp. 6–10, 14.
54. ^ Leo
VI, Tactica,
XIX.67, transl. in Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, p. 509
55. ^ Leo
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56. ^ Roland 1992, p. 660.
57. ^ Zenghelis 1932, p. 270.
58. ^ Colin McEvedy (1992), The New
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59. ^ Cheronis 1937, p. 363.
60. ^ Jump up to:a b Ellis Davidson 1973, p. 70.
61. ^ Partington 1999, p. 4.
62. ^ Forbes 1959, pp. 82–84.
63. ^ Procopius, De
bello Gothico, IV.11.36, cited in Partington 1999, p. 3
64. ^ Ellis Davidson 1973, p. 62.
65. ^ Partington 1999, p. 22.
66. ^ Jump up to:a b Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 614–616.
67. ^ Jump up to:a b Haldon 2006, p. 310.
68. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, p. 618.
69. ^ "The Link: Greek Fire". National
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70. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 610–611.
71. ^ Cortese,
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72. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 378–379,
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73. ^ Forbes 1959, pp. 86–87.
74. ^ Jump up to:a b Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 617–619.
75. ^ Haldon 2006, p. 295.
76. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 203, 618.
77. ^ Dawes 1928, p. 292.
78. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 616–617.
79. ^ Ellis Davidson 1973, p. 72.
80. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 628–629.
81. ^ Haldon 2006, p. 315.
82. ^ Haldon & Byrne 1977, p. 93.
83. ^ Haldon & Byrne 1977, p. 94.
84. ^ Haldon & Byrne 1977, p. 95.
85. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 624–626.
86. ^ Haldon & Byrne 1977, p. 96.
87. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, pp. 627–628.
88. ^ For a
detailed description, cf. Haldon 2006, pp. 297–315 An interesting
characteristic displayed during these tests was that, contrary to expectations
due to the flame's heat, the stream of fire projected through the tube did not
curve upwards but downwards, as the fuel was not completely vaporized as it
left the nozzle. This fact is important because medieval galleys had a low
profile, and a high-arcing flame would miss them entirely.Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, p. 621
89. ^ Haldon & Byrne 1977, p. 97.
90. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, p. 627.
91. ^ Pryor 2003, p. 97.
92. ^ Pryor & Jeffreys 2006, p. 384.
93. ^ Norwich,
John Julius (1991) Byzantium: The Apogee, London: BCA, p. 151
94. ^ "Honour
Bright". The Victor Canning Pages.
95. ^ Demigods
and Monsters Your Favorite Authors on Rick Riordan's Percy Jackson and the
Olympians Series. BenBella Books. 2013. p. 205.
96. ^ “A wherry across the Thames” The
Guardian, 6 November 2004.
97. ^ The
Science of Michael Crichton An Unauthorized Exploration Into the Real Science
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98. ^ Hutchinson,
Sam. "10 Real-Life Historical Connections In Game Of
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External links[edit]
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Wikimedia Commons has media related to Greek fire.
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Wikisource has the
text of the 1911 Encyclopædia
Britannica article "Greek Fire".
·
Greek
Fire – World History Encyclopedia
·
Technoporn: Greek Fire – Wired Blog,
December 29, 2006.
·
Greek Fire – The Best Kept Secret of the Ancient World –
by Richard Groller.
·
Greek Fire – The University of Calgary,
2000. Retrieved on 10 March 2013.
·
The Link: Greek Fire – National
Geographic, 1 May 2012. Retrieved on 9 Mar 2013.
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